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Memoirs of the

RUSSIAN
REVOLUTION

George V. Lomonossoff

NEW YORK
THE RAND SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE

Memoirs of the

Russian

Revolution

GEORGE V. LOMONOSSOFF

ASSISTANT DIRECTOR GENERAL OF RUSSIAN RAILWAYS, CHIEF OF
THE OFFICE OF EXPERIMENTS, MEMBER OF THE RUSSIAN EX-
TRAORDINARY MISSION AND CHIEF ENVOY OF THE RUS-
SIAN MINISTRY OF WAYS OF COMMUNICATION TO
THE UNITED STATES, MEMBER OF THE SUPREME
ENGINEERING SOVIET, PROFESSOR, KIEFF
POLITECHNICUM, WARSAW UNI-
VERSITY, PETROGRAD INSTI-
TUTE OF WAYS OF
COMMUNICATION.

Authorised Translation
By D. H. Dubrowsky and Robert T. Williams.

NEW YORK

The Rand School of Social Science

Ctf

Prof. G. V. Lomonossoff

405323

RAND SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE

7 EAST 15xH STREET

NEW YORK

1919

Foreword

Immediately after the March Revolution, I made
some notes concerning what I had personally wit-
nessed. These memoranda I took with me to America
but so successfully mislaid them among my books
that I was not able to locate them until August 2,
1918. I read them then to my friends in Chicago.
They insisted and still insist that I publish these
recollections. To be frank, I could hardly consent to
it; my views have somewhat radically changed in the
last two years and I have a strong desire to correct
some of my memoranda and to change others en-
tirely. Nevertheless, I have not done this. If my
memoirs have any historical value, it is only in the
way in which they were first recorded. An historian
is interested not only in the naked facts, but also in
the way in which these facts reacted on the men of
their time.

Nevertheless, in some places, I have considered it
necessary to make some additional remarks which
are the result of my later ideas and of the later
experiences of my life.

G. V. L.

May 9, 1919,
New York City.

Memoirs of the Russian Revolution

PRECEDING DAYS

I arrived at Tzarskoye Sielo from the Roumanian front on
February 20, 1917. At the front, life was running its normal
course. There was plenty of ammunition but a scarcity _of Jood.
The average amount of food received from Roumania was about
60% of the apportionment but in various places this amount
was sometimes lower than 20%. Dead horses had to be eaten.
The railroads, on account of the dreadful condition of the loco-
jnotiyes, began to become paralyzed. I do not know where it
was worse, at the Roumanian front or on our own southwestern
railways. The Ministry hated to listen to the truth about
existing conditions and in this respect the General Staff was
braver.

The extent of the paralysis of the railroads at the Roumanian
front can be seen from the fact that they were compelled to stop
the sanitary trains and instead ship the wounded in the freight
cars which had been emptied of provisions sent to the front.
The thermometer registered 14 degrees below zero and many
of the wounded froze to death in these unheated cars. To rein-
troduce the sanitary trains meant to stop the supply of provi-
sions to the army of unwounded. General Sacharoff finally
solved this question in these words : "Let them die, if they are
compelled to be out of the firing line."

Under such conditions, discontent in the army practically
took place as a natural result. It is interesting to note that,
as far as I heard, this discontent was directed almost entirely
against the Tzar, and particularly against the Tzarina. Among
the General Headquarter's Staff, the Tzarina was never spared
They spoke quite openly of imprisoning her and also of forcing
Nicholas to abdicate. This kind of conversation was commonly
heard even at the officers' messes. But always, during this kind
of talk, the most usual opinion seemed to be "Court Revolution,"
like the murder of Paul.

With the soldiers at the front I could hardly talk: my gen-
eral's shoulder straps did not allow them to be quite open in
their conversation. I remember that on the way to Roumania,
at one of the railroad stations, I met an acquaintance of mine,

a soldier, who was a well-to-do Poltava peasant, an honest mon-
archist and a man of considerable common sense. We talked.
I At that time, the daily topic was the murder of Rasputin and
our conversation naturally turned toward the same thing. I
can even now see before me the sad, bewildered eyes of my
friend and hear his sad voice as he asked me :

"Tell me, you live in the Tzarskoye Sielo, tell me, I ask
you, how could the Tzar stand for such a nuisance in his own
house?"

I could only shrug my shoulders.

"I am only a plain peasant, but I would not allow such
disgrace. And he is an Emperor. Do you understand the
word? Emperor! For him we spill here our blood. Not for
him? For whom, then?" And then, thinking a few seconds,
he added, "Is he worth it?"

The murder of Rasputin agitated the minds of the people in
general at that time. I remember another incident at the Yassa
railroad station. Winter morning was dawning; slowly a train
moved into the station. Pourishkevitch was walking back and
forth on the platform. He had just put up the provisioning huts
(much will be forgiven him for this). The officers and soldiers
began to pour out of the cars. Among them could be seen a
Cossack officer who stood out a head taller than all the rest —
a fellow who must have weighed about four hundred pounds.
He noticed Pourishkevitch, stopped, looked at him, grunted, and
then slowly rolled toward him.

"Are you Pourishkevitch?"

"Yes."

"In the name of the Russian army, let me shake your honor-
able hand : you killed Rasputin."

"But "

"Don't be modest. All Russia knows. Hooray for Pourish-
kevitch and all those that killed this damnable dog "

"Hooray!" thundered throughout the length of the platform.

On the twentieth of February, at noon, I arrived at Tzar-
skoye Sielo. It was a clear, cold day. My wife met me at the
station ; we took a cab and went home. According to the tariff,
I should have paid the cabman 35 kopecks, but in view of the
hardships of war-time, I gave him half a rouble, (50 kopecks).
Only two months before, they were extremely thankful for such
a tip ; but here the cabman tossed the half-rouble up and down

in his hand and glared at it. My wife, realizing what was the
matter, excitedly told me :

"You are insane. Give him a rouble."

"A rouble?"

"Yes; we have been paying that rate for quite a while.
Oats have quadrupled in price."

I realized that the rouble had fallen in value more in the
last two months than during the entire war. The queues that
I noticed in Petrograd on the following day showed me that
there was also very little food in the capital. To get bread, it
was necessary to stand in line three or four hours ; for milk, five
or six hours; and for shoes, many days and nights.

I went to the new Minister, Krieger-Woynowsky, who was
just as courteous, just as indefinite and cold as he had been in
his previous capacities. He told me that I would never go back
to the front again, as they intended to give me the management
of coal. He ordered me to write a memorandum. He was talk-
ing of the plans he had in mind for months and years ahead. But
already a certain note of indecision made itself felt in his voice.
In the General Office of Railways and all the other offices con-
ditions were just as before. Their occupants could hardly be
swept off their feet. After what I had seen at the front, office
work seemed to me useless ; and the self-satisfied and cynical
attitude of the office workers was disgusting. I had a desire to
get back to real, actual work. In Roumania, I felt myself use-
ful ; here it was doubtful. I did not believe in the success of
my coal dictatorship. From bitter experience I knew that the
old powers would be the real directors and that nothing but a
tangle could result from such a dictatorship. On the morning
of February 24, I was working at my office. About eleven
o'clock I went to the dentist. On the way I noticed that in the
bread queues there was evident unrest. It was said that for
two days bread would not be sold at all. And this is supposedly
by the order of the new Provisioning Director of the capital,
who actually wished to ration the supply of provisions. Here
and there youngsters cried, "Bread, bread!" but passers-by did
not pay any attention.

From the dentist I walked to the barber (near Anitchkow
Bridge). On the Nevsky Prospekt, I immediately sensed a de-
monstration and had not reached Vladimirskaya before ifc ap-
peared. Its complexity was strange, students, youths, women

and officers. There were only a few flags, the majority of which
/ bore the inscription "Bread." But there was also an old
acquaintance, "Eknvn WjtKI2ytocjacy." With dignity this red
flag was carried in view of police captains and policemen. They
looked at it quietly and cynically. I somehow did not like this
look. It felt like a provocation. Something was being con-
templated . . . but contemplated by the police. No workmen
were seen on the streets. At the barber shop, I heard some
conversation. "All factories are working." What was most im-
portant and strange was that the demonstrators were allowed
to walk the streets freely as though they were being trapped.

From the barber shop I went to Kuba's for lunch. There
everything was as usual, but the lunch that used to cost one
/'ruble now cost three. They even served white wine. The guests
were the same old frequenters of the place; well fed, contented,
monied. These people were making money on the war. And
those . . . those froze to death in dirty freight cars. On February
25, I was running between my office, the Institute and the
Ministry. It was said that in the city disorders were increasing,
but they appeared to be of an unorganized character. In our
section there was quiet and order. What was it? A momentary
protest of hungry people or a provocation? I was afraid it was
the latter. Nevertheless, there were no reports of serious con-
flicts with the police and military until evening. Towards eve-
ning, in the office, it was related from the account of a by-
stander, that near the Nicholas Railroad the Cossacks were
ordered to disperse the crowds with their sabres. It was said
that the Cossack officer, in answer to this order, beheaded the
police captain. If this was true, then the situation was becom-
ing rather serious. But all this was only working into the hands
of the government. The disorders would be crushed and be
made a pretext for new repressions and .... separate peace. It
was necessary to stay at home. I applaud the workmen for not
going out on the streets. Say what you like, but since 1905, in
the matter of political education, the masses have progressed
very rapidly. And no matter what the last two Dumas were,
the mere fact of the existence of a parliament if only as a safety
valve for free expression, had served its purpose.

In the Ministry, life ran its normal course. I was not to
return to the front. I was to occupy myself with coal ; possibly
under Krieger.

On February 26 (Sunday), I was at home at Tzarskoye
Sielo. It seemed that everything was quieting down. But, of
course, that was only a symptom. We would lose the war and
have, not only revolution, but perhaps something more. Plainly, it
was going to be a massacre of those who had no callous on their
hands. Should we win, we cannot avoid a mild revolution any-
way, but now we have to carry on the war and not look for
provocations.

On the morning of February 27 (Monday), I went to Pet-
rograd. I went first to the Institute and put out a notice of
the resumption of lectures, beginning Wednesday. The rest
of the day I spent in the office. Mr. and Mrs. Volkenau, who
came from the Viborg section, related that on the Kirochnaya
there was firing and that barricades had been thrown up. I could
hear the firing from where I was. Who was firing, and on
whom, was not clear. Most likely, they began to shoot up the
demonstration but went over to the demonstrators. How un-
timely all this is ! Nevertheless, notwithstanding the absurdity
of these armed conflicts, there was a glad feeling in the heart.
After all, a section of the soldiers was for the people.

I wanted to go to the dentist, but he notified me by tele-
phone that there was trouble on the Pushkinskaya. It was im-
possible to pass.

It was said that machine guns had been placed on the house-
tops from which the policemen fired on the people. As long
ago as December, Michel (my cousin, an officer) told me that
the gendarmes and policemen were being taught the use of
machine guns. Summarizing all this, it was plainly a provo-
cation.

I was returning home in the same car with Menshikoff, of
the staff of Novoye Vremya (New Times). He was telling his
acquaintances that Protopopoff (the Premier) had published
an ukase which had long ago been signed by the Tzar, pro-
roguing the Duma and that all the Ministers, as well as Proto-
popoff himself, had tendered their resignations. There were
no newspapers.

On February 28 (Tuesday), in the morning, I did not go to
Petrograd but began to prepare for the lecture. No matter
what the events might be, it was necessary for me to attend to
my duties at the Institute. After three o'clock, in order to see
how serious the situation was, my wife and I took a cab and

drove around the Alexandria Palace. The guards were few and
spies not to be seen at all. The Palace gave the impression of
being unoccupied. The picture was like summer. Probably
the Tzar's family had surreptitiously fled. The situation seemed
serious.

Returning home, we met on the street straggling parts of
the Volinsky Regiment with a great number of officers. Soon
afterward Bob (my son), then a high school student of the
eighth class,* telephoned from the Fourth Rifle Regiment that
he had been told by a comrade that the Volinsky Regiment, with
the exception of the parts we met, had gone over to the side of
the people, and that these parts had come on foot from Petro-
grad to the Fourth Rifle Regiment. There the officers received
them well, but the soldiers began to murmur.

We had just finished our dinner when my wife was called
to the hospital. It was rumored that that night it was planned
to dynamite the Palace Police Headquarters, which are situated
just opposite the hospital. It was necessary to prepare for the
reception of the wounded.

Yes, the situation was getting serious, but even had the
whole Petrograd garrison gone over to the people it would have
meant nothing. From the front the savage division with artil-
lery might come and nothing would be left of the whole mutiny.
All the same, it was disgusting, at such a time, to sit at home
with folded hands. I wanted to call up Petrograd, but the tele-
phone system was not working. About nine o'clock my wife
returned from the hospital and related much of interest. First
of all, coming to the hospital, she found there about ten strange
officers who had bandaged themselves. They turned out to be
officers of the Volinsky Regiment, who had been asked to leave
the Fourth Rifle Regiment. They had sent the soldiers on foot
to Gatchina and had themselves decided to simulate wounded.
My wife flatly told them to leave. Then, the wife of the chief
of the Palace Police, Gerhardi, came to the hospital with two
children. She begged for a place of refuge, expecting the de-
struction of the Headquarters, in which were also their living
apartments. They were allowed to remain. The children went
to sleep and Mme. Gerhardi began to curse in the lowest terms
Alexandra Feodrovna (the Tzarina) : because of her good people
must now perish.

* ISiiffrith class is equivalent to first year college.

They were two of a kind !

Bob had been told by telephone that in the Fourth Regiment
discontent was increasing. The Third Regiment had sent its
delegates.

V/e sat down to tea. Our whole frame of mind was in a
state of unrest. One expected something every minute. I en-
vied my wife; she had something to do. Somebody came to
the kitchen. The bare feet of the cook were heard. She gave
me a telegram.

"From Petrograd. No. 6995. Presented February 28,
(7:15 P. M.). To Engineer Lomonossoff, Tzarskoye Sielo
station. I beg you to come at once to Petrograd Ministry
of Ways of Communication. Order guard at entrance to
report to me. By order of the Committee of the Duma.

Boublikoff, Member of the Duma.

Guard? Duma? Boublikoff? I did not understand. The
Duma had seized the Ministry? The Fourth Duma? This was
already revolution. A revolution at the head of which is the
Fourth Duna? Either this was one of the most remarkable
pages in history, or .... a merry-go-round. With a shaking
hand I signed the receipt and turned the telegram over to my
wife. What ,vas to be done? Go to Petrograd? But in two
or three days troops would come from the front and .... so
dictated my jtdgment. But at the same time the instinct of an
old revolutionist awoke. Like a cavalry horse that has heard
the bugles call I ceased thinking, got up and said to my wife,
"I'm going. G^t my valise with an outfit for prison."

Within ten minutes I was walking down the dark, deserted
Tzarskoye Boulevard. I realized perfectly well that in two or
three days I shou.d be in Petropawlovsk.* But I thought: "A
reservist of the Revolution must not shirk his duties. For ten
years I have been i reservist and now I am called again. ... I
must go." At the corner I took a cab and caught the ten-o'clock
train. Newspapers did not appear. In order to keep my brain
clear of fantastic thoughts for serious work, I bought a foolish
novel at the station and became absorbed in it. I was alone in
the first class caA The ticket inspector passed. From him I
learned that the Duma had refused to dissolve and that the
Petrograd garrison had gone over to it.

* The Fortress of P^r and Paul.

I arrived in Petrograd ; the streets were entirely dirk.
There was firing and near at hand I heard scattered rifle shots ;
somewhere, far off, the stuttering of machine guns. It reserrbled
warfare but there was a certain difference. There was music,
but of a different kind.

On the Plaza at the station, people were still to be seen;
but on the Obuchoff Canal not a soul. Uneasiness, firing, dark-
ness. I felt for my revolver and Boublikoff's telegrarr in the
pocket of my uniform overcoat — which I wore without sioulder-
straps. I came out at the Fontanka. There were two or three
passers by. The firing was quite near now. Here came the
patrol. The soldiers looked suspiciously at the green Hning of
my coat * and quietly passed by ; on their sleeves they wore
red bands.

At the Ministry there were many soldiers. I eitered. In
the corridor there were also many soldiers, the majority of whom
were asleep. The concierge was absent. His assistant, with a
lost expression, took off my coat and said, "This is vhat we have
come to, Your Excellency." I asked him, "Whefe is Boubli-
koff?" "In the private office of the Director Geieral of Rail-
ways ; but without a special permit one cannot be permitted
to see him." Without saying a word, I handed Boublikoff's
telegram to a soldier. Also without saying a wcrd, he read it
slowly. A sergeant came over. Both of them began to read it
again and finally I was escorted to the well known staircase. Not
a word was spoken. Not a soul was seen either on the staircase
or in the hall. We entered the large, dark reception room of the
Director General. The room was entirely occupied by soldiers
sitting and lying about. The sergeant entered the office of the
Assistant to the Director General Ustrugoff. A slim Hussar
officer with a large, fluffy mustache came out. I handed him the

* The coats of only the higher officers of the Russian Arny were lined with grsen.

telegram. "The Commissar is busy. Wait," he answered
brusquely and turned away.

1. Office of the Director General.*

2. Secretary's Office.

3. Reisler's Office.

4. UstrugofFs Office.

5. Reception Room.

6. Corridor.

I waited. There was neither room to walk nor to sit down.
I wanted to go out into the corridor but the soldiers would not
permit me. I stood. A quarter of an hour passed ; a half hour ;
forty minutes. I saw that it was ridiculous, for the telegram
said, "At once." I went into UstrugofFs office myself; there
sat the Hussar officer, a Second Lieutenant of the Semenoff
Regiment, the chief clerk of the Headquarters and five or six
persons unknown to me. The Hussar officer rose discourteously
but the chief clerk whispered something in his ear and he im-
mediately disappeared into the office of the Director General.
"Pardon me, I'm sorry."

The office was brightly lighted. The watchmen were nail-
ing the windows up with uniform cloth. BoublikofT, all excited
and happy, sat at the table of the Director General. In front
of him, slouching in his chair as though thunder struck and
helpless, sat the Assistant Minister, Kozireff; certainly a rare
personality, a vicious member of the Black Hundred, stubborn,
and at the same time a most honest and honorable man. The
Ministry were all terrified by him. . . . but respected him. Beside
them in the office, I saw an unknown man in civilian clothes and
Perloff, my colleague at the Institute. He was the Chief
Engineer of the Musinsk Railroad where Boublikoff was Chair-
man of the Board of Directors.

"And here he is, finally," said BoublikofT; "Are the latest
events known to you?"

"No," said I.

"The Duma has refused to obey the supreme order of pro-
rogation and has elected a Committee which has assumed
authority. All the Ministers except Protopopoff, who has dis-
appeared, have been arrested. Do you wish to recognize this
new power?"

"Yes," I said and involuntarily looked at Kozireff who
nodded approvingly.

* See cut on preceding page.

"Do you wish to put yourself at the disposition of the new
government?"

"Yes; I am willing."

Boublikoff again took my hand and asked me to sit down.
There began disjointed conversation to the effect that I should
immediately go to Moscow to the Moscow-Kieff-Woronezh Rail-
road which was not carrying out the military shipments prop-
erly. From the conversation it became clear that Perloff must
also immediately leave for Caucasia to complete the Cherno-
morskaya Railroad. I really could not understand what kind
of work they were being sent to do. And was not this the divi-
sion of the bear's skin while the bear was yet enjoying himself
in the woods?

"In what capacity do I go?"

"How would you like to — as Chief or Chairman of the Board
of Directors?"

"I think that to send me as Chief would be useless ; I would
be dependent on the Board of Directors which you yourself,
Alexander Alexandrovitch,* (Boublikoff) suspect of treason."

"Yes, true. I will dismiss the Board of Directors and ap-
point you Chairman. If I am not mistaken, the rules of the
Board of Directors will allow me to do so. Tomorrow the
attorney will look it up. When do you go?"

"When you order. Allow me to stay until tomorrow to
acquaint myself with the general situation. I still do not under-
stand much. How is Moscow? Where and how is the Tzar?
To what extent is your power organized? Possibly I shall be
useful to you here this very night."

At this time a tall young man came out of Mr. UstrugofFs
office. He reported that the Imperial train was proceeding to
Bologoye.

"And what do you intend to do further with him?" I asked.

"It is not decided yet," answered Boublikoff. "I will talk
with Rodzianko on the telephone at once. Here my friend, you
promised to help, then please keep track of the Tzar's train."

Together with the tall young man I entered the office of
Ustrugoff. There were some officers and the chief clerk. When
the young man left I asked the chief clerk who he was.

* The Russian custom is to address a person by his given name and the name of
his father. Alexander Alexandrovitch means Alexander the son of Alexander.

"Member of the Duma, Roulevsky," he answered, "assistant
to Alexander Alexandrovitch." It seemed strange to me. It
seemed that there was no such deputy. I looked up the mem-
bership of the Duma, which was in Ustrugoff's bookcase. No;
it was suspicious. I went to Boublikoff to inquire who it was.

"The devil knows who he is. When I was looking on the
streets for soldiers to seize the Ministry, he attached himself to
me casually; it seems that he is employed somewhere on the
railroad. He has common sense^ and then, who knows him?
He took good care of the telegraph. As for the other volunteer,
he is an old friend of mine, an attorney, Sidelnikoff. He is
juriscounsel of our railroad," — introducing me to a man who was
sitting quietly in the office.

"And do you know the officers?"

"No. One is from the Duma, and the other came here
himself."

I felt uneasy I walked through the Ministry to

orientate myself. It was empty, dark : two or three members
of the staff of the Operating Department were about. At the
telegraph office there was a new staff of telegraphers, excited
and happy. They were being directed by the unknown Roulev-
sky. The company of soldiers of the Semenoff Regiment was
under the command of the unknown Hussar.

I began to converse with Roulevsky, an open hearted fellow.
We became friends at once. He was bookkeeper of the North-
western Railroad, former member of the People's Socialist
Party, and now a Bolshevik. When Boublikoff went to seize
the Ministry, he offered him his services and was very useful
to him with the telegraphers, because of his party affiliations.
From his account and from incoherent talks with Boublikoff,
I tried, first of all, to realize the general course of events and to
clarify the present situation. The newly issued bulletins of the
Petrograd journalists helped me to a great extent in this. These
bulletins were distributed on the street gratis. Events had evi-
dently taken place as follows :

On February 27, about two o'clock, the Tzar's ukase of the
prorogation of the Duma was delivered. Rodzianko closed the
session of the Duma and invited the members to a private ses-
sion in the semi-circular hall. There he read the ukase. No
resolution was adopted, either by the Duma or in the private
session. But after long debate there was elected a "Committee

of Twelve Members of the Duma to keep order in Petrograd
and to communicate with Departments and individuals." The
membership of the Committee was as follows :

1. M. V. Rodzianko. (Octobrist.)

2. N. V. NekrasofL (Constitutional Democrat.)

3. A. E. Konovaloff. (Conservative Constitutional

Democrat.)

4. M. E. Dmitrukoff. (Octobrist.)

5. A. F. Kerensky. (Social Revolutionist.)

6. M. S. Tchkheidze. (Menshevik.)

7. V. V. Schulgin. (Conservative.)

8. S. E. Shidlovsky. (Octobrist.)

9. P. N. Milukoff. (Constitutional Democrat.)

10. M. A. Karauloff. (Cossack.)

11. V. N. Lvoff. (Conservative.)

12. V. A. Rzhevsky. (Progressive.)

The Committee had not yet been elected when a crowd of
people brought to the Duma the newly arrested Stcheglovitoff.*
Rodzianko was at loss. But Kerensky pronounced him arrested
in the name of the people and locked him up in the Ministerial
Pavilion. After Stcheglovitoff, other arrested high officials were
brought in. The Committee had never given orders for any
arrests. The people were catching the most hated representatives
of the old regime and bringing them to the Duma. There, some
were liberated and the rest were put into the Ministerial Pavilion.
Early on the morning of February 28, almost the entire Volin-
sky Regiment marched to the Duma. The position of Rodzi-
anko was really tragic. He had just sent a telegram to the
Tzar, recommending him to appoint a new Premier.** And
here, all of a sudden, was an armed mutiny. It is said that for
almost two hours the soldiers stood in the cold while the heart
of this old monarchist was trembling. Finally he came out.

"At-ten-t-i-o-n !"

"Soldiers, I myself am an old soldier. ... I understand what
brought you here. You did not break your oath. As true sol-

* One of the Tzar's Ministers.
** Here is the text of this telegram :

Situation serious. Capital in anarchy. Government paralyzed. Transporta-
tion, provisioning and fuel completely disorganized. General discontent growing.
Scattered firing on the streets. Often troops fire on each other. Necessary to
appoint immediately a man in whom the people have faith to form a new gov-
ernment. Impossible to hesitate. Hesitation means death. I pray God that,
in this hour, responsibility should not fall upon the Crown.

diers of your country, you came here to save her and the Tzar. . . .
Allow me, an old soldier, to congratulate you. ... I salute you !"
"We salute you, Your Excellency!" No sooner had Rodzi-
anko finished with the Volinsky Regiment, than music was again
heard thundering. Another regiment was approaching. (If I
am not mistaken, the Litovsky.) It was necessary somehow to
organize the revolutionary troops. For this purpose, the Com-
mittee invited Member of the Duma Engelhardt to join them.
He was a reserve Colonel of the General Staff, (an Octobrist)
and was appointed Commandant df Petrograd.* But evidently
he did not succeed in controling the garrison. Mobs of soldiers
did as they liked on the streets. They made arrests, demolished
prisons and set fire to police stations. On February 26, the Com-
mittee of the Duma issued two appeals which read as follows:

"The Temporary Committee of the Duma appeals to
the inhabitants of Petrograd in the name of mutual interest
to safeguard the property of the state and people, such as :
telegraphs, water supply, electric stations and street cars,
as well as public buildings. The Committee of the Duma
also hands over to the protection of the people the factories
and shops, those that are working for defense as well as
for general use. It should be remembered that the pillage
and destruction of buildings and property will be of no use
to anybody but will bring tremendous misfortune upon the
government as well as upon the civil population for all
equally need water, light, etc. Attempts upon the life and
health as well as the property of individuals are also for-
bidden. The spilling of blood and the destruction of prop-
erty will be a blot on the conscience of the persons com-
mitting these deeds and may also bring numerous misfor-
tunes to the whole population of the capital.

"President of the Duma, Michael Rodzianko."

"The Temporary Committee of the Duma, in view of
the distressing condition of internal disintegration, the re-
sult called forth by the old government, has been compelled
to take into its own hands the business of re-establishing

* From this time on, the Duma Committee began to call itself the Executive Com-
mittee of the Duma.

government and popular order. Realizing the full respon-
sibility of the decision that it has accepted, the Committee
feels sure that the populace and the army will help it in the
difficult task of forming a new government which shall cor-
respond to the wishes of the populace and have its con-
fidence.

"President of the Duma, Michael Rodzianko." *
/ Thus, so far, only the Ministry of Ways of Communication
had been seized. The initiative in this duly belongs to Boubli-
koff. Having with difficulty received the consent of Rodzianko,
Boublikoff gathered on the street some soldiers, Messrs. Roulev-
sky and Sosnovsky, called his friends, Perloff and Sidelnikoff,
and with such a mixed company arrived at the Ministry about
three o'clock. Placing guards at all the exits, Boublikoff went
directly to the office of the Director General of Railways. All
officialdom with the exception of the Minister gathered there.
Informing them of the fact that the Committee of the Duma had
taken over the power, he took the Chief of the Department,
BogashefF, to one side and told him that in his own interest Jhe
was arresting him and sending him to the Tawrid Palace. Then
Boublikoff entered the private office of the Minister and, in the
name of the Duma, offered to allow him to remain at his post.
He refused, pleading the upset condition of his nerves. Boub-
likoff, in the interest of his safety, pronounced him under home
arrest and put a guard at the door of his private office. Roulev-
sky quite successfully mimicked to me the joy which all those
present, civilians as well as officers, who had almost lost their
sense of fear, manifested at the arrival of Boublikoff. "Thank
God, this place is already occupied," was written on every face.
After leaving the Minister, Boublikoff sent to every railroad
station in Russia the following telegram : **

* This appeal was, so to speak, a breaking point in the activity of the Committee
of the Duma. From Rodzianko's telegram of February 27th, it was clear that he still
believed that order could be restored by an appointee of the Tzar. "Here the lord will
come; the lord will judge us." And all at once he himself was compelled to appear as
the "lord."

** This telegram played a decisive role in the March days : on the morning of
March 1, that is, two days before the abdication of Nicholas, the whole of Russia, or at
any rate, that part of Russia which lies no more than 10 or 15 versts (a verst is 2/3
of a mile) from the railroad, learned that there was a revolution in Petrograd. From
the fighting front to Vladivostok, from Murmansk to the Persian border, at every
railroad station this telegram was received. There was no doubt; the old power had
fallen, the new was born. After this, the abdication of Nicholas and Michael seemed
of secondary importance. From Boublikoff's telegram all knew that even on February
28th, the power was in fact in the hands of the Duma. Was it so in reality? Certainly

"Railroad men. The old power which created disin-
tegration in all departments of government, which was
powerless, has fallen.

"The Committee of the Duma has taken into its own
hands the new power and appeals to you in the name of the
Fatherland : on you depends the rescue of the Fatherland.
Railroad movement must be kept up uninterruptedly and
with redoubled energy.

"The country expects more from you than fulfillment
of duty. It expects heroism.

"Weakness and insufficiency of equipment on the Rus-
sian railroads should be made up for by your unceasing
energy. You must have love for your country and con-
. sciousness of your role in carrying on transportation for
the war and the well being of the rear."
The second order of Boublikoff was a telegram forbidding
any movement of military trains in the region 250 versts around
Petrograd. This foresight was not bad. Troops might be sent
on Petrograd.

All this was well. But to what extent would our orders be
obeyed in different regions? I went down with Roulevsky to
the Operation Department and the telegraph office. There the
work was pulsating. Conversation was going on with the gen-
eral staff about the work of the Ryazansk-Uralsk Railroad in
connection with the snow drifts. Reports concerning the work
of the railroads for every twenty-four hours were coming in and
this was well, but not of primary importance. It was necessary
to get in touch with the higher officials. It must be believed
that Boublikoff was master of the railroad situation.

March 1st.

Midnight found me in the midst of these doubts. I went
to Boublikoff and, with his approval, began to call up on the
telephone all the high officials of the Petrograd railway junction
and firmly order them to report to me when the Imperial train
neared Vishera.

not. Boublikoff did as did Bismark with the Ems telegram. He added the reality. He
made them all a tremendous, unconscious aid to the Russian Revolution, at the same
time withheld its normal flow and surrounded the Duma with a totally unearned halo.
The first impression is always the strongest. From Boublikoff's telegram all Russia
learned first of the revolution and understood that the Duma had made it. It took
months for the whole of Russia to realize this falsification. Nevertheless, that fact,
that Boublikoff found in himself the audacity to notify all Russia of the creation of
the new power at a time when there was in fact none, averted in many places, even a
shadow of counter revolution.

"Nicholaievskaya Central? Connect me with the Chief of
the Railroad, Engineer Nevezhin."

"Neither the office nor the apartment answer."

"Connect me with the Assistant."

"One of them has gone to meet the Imperial train and the
other is ill."

"Give me the General Superintendent of Operations."

"Impossible to reach him."

"Give me the substitute officer in charge of railroad opera-
tions."

"I am the substitute officer in charge of railroad operations."

"I am LomonossofT. I speak by order of Commissar of the
Duma, Boublikoff. Do you recognize my voice?"

"Yes, sir. What are your orders?"

"Where is the General Superintendent of Operations?"

"He seems to be ill. It is impossible to reach him by tele-
phone. I went to his apartment but they would not admit me."

"Who, then, is present?"

"Assistant Superintendent of Operations, Engineer Kozh-
evnikoff. He is in his apartment. But you will not be able to
reach him by telephone as his number has been changed. Al-
low me, I will connect you with him."

"I am Kozhevnikoff. Is that you, Uriy Vladimirovitch?"
(LomonossofF).

"I am LomonossofT. How are your trains operating?"

"More or less normally. Are you at the Ministry?"

"Yes. I speak by order of Member of the Duma, Boublikoff.
You appear to be handicapped by your superiors. It seems the
Chief of Railroads and the Superintendent of Operations are
ill. Upon you rests the whole responsibility for the movement
of the trains. Who besides you can work?"

"The other assistant, Strakhoff."

"Excellent. You can then relieve each other. But mean-
while, day and night, either you or StrakhofT must be at the
telephone or in the office. The situation calls for too much
responsibility."

"What are your orders in regard to the Imperial train?"

"Why?"

"Its route is Lichoslavl-Tosno-Alexandrovskaya — Tzarskoye.
But then, something may happen in Tosno or even in Luban."

"You will receive, if necessary, a new appointment. What
is the attitude of the employees?"

"All on the side of the Duma. But they are infuriated at
Nevezhin, (Chief of Railroads) and particularly so at Dyakoff,
(Chief of Operations) and excesses may be expected."

"Good-bye. Be calm and firm. The whole of Russia is
looking at you. Take all measures necessary to stimulate the
bringing in of provisions. The. employees must prove that they
can work harder and better under the new regime than under
the old."

Approximately the same conversation took place with the
Northwestern Railroad, but there it happened that the Chief of
Railroads, Goffmeister * Valuyeff, had been arrested at the mo-
ment when he departed to meet the Tzar's train and, while
being taken to the Duma, had been killed. The General Super-
intendent of Operations, Berkh had completely lost his head.
It was again necessary to place temporarily the whole respon-
sibility of power on the Assistant Superintendent of Operations,
Engineer Lobanoff. The murder of Valuyeff was reported to
Boublikoff. He talked on the telephone to Engineer V. S. Pav-
lovsky and appointed him Chief of the Northwestern Railroad.
That very night, the appointment was telegraphed to the rail-
roads. It was signed by Assistant Minister Borisoff, who had
taken the place of Kozireff. An entirely new situation was
found on the Moscow-Woronezh-Ribinsk Railroad. There all
the superior officers, together with the Chief, M. E. Pravosudo-
vitch, had moved into the apartment of the chief of the section
of operation which was at the railroad station and had estab-
lished a constant watch at the telegraph and telephone. There
the interest was only in how firm the Ministry was and in what
was happening on the other railroads.

When these conversations ended it was already about three
o'clock. It then became clear to me that to ring up and talk
on the telephone was impossible, but it was necessary to con-
tinue the conversation. It was necessary to communicate with
Moscow, Kharkoff, Caucasia, Siberia. . . . The chief clerk came
in and induced me to lie down on a divan in one of the rooms.
But I was not sleepy. I was thinking of the necessity of organ-
izing a special department of revolutionary service connection.

* A Russian Court title.

Roulevsky was all right, but he was only one and it was ne-
cessary to be constantly on watch. It was necessary to have
two or three trustworthy men, one of whom could always be
at the telephone to talk with the railroads and other institutions.
We ought also to have some boys for telephone errands. . . .
Automobiles were needed. Thus I could not fall asleep. About
3 :45, my thoughts were broken in upon by the outcry of Rou-
levsky : "The Imperial train is nearing Malaya-Vishera." * I
jumped up and went to Boublikoff. He was sleeping. It was
absolutely impossible to wake him up. He muttered, cursed,
and stubbornly fell back into bed again. I left Roulevsky near
him and I myself ran to the telephone.

"The Duma? Connect me with the President. . . . Michael
Vladimirovitch, (Rodzianko) is that you?"

"I am Rodzianko. Who is talking?"

"The Ministry of Ways of Communication. I am Lomo-
nossoff, member of the Supreme Engineering Soviet. I speak
for Commissar Boublikoff. You know me. . . ."

"What do you wish?"

"The Imperial train is nearing Malaya-Vishera. What do
you order to be done with it?"

"We will discuss it. Call Boublikoff."

In a few moments Boublikoff came over.

"Yes, this is I, Boublikoff But what is to be done?

Send the train to Tzarskoye? To Petrograd? Keep it in
Vishera? .... Wait? What and how many? .... All right,
we shall wait. . . . They cannot decide !" Boublikoff shot at
me, hanging up the receiver. Long minutes ensued. A note
was brought from the telegraph office : "Malaya-Vishera. Gen-
eral Fursa and Assistant Chief of Railway Kern are on the
Imperial train. A consultation is going on. Railroad workmen
have put the front wheels of the locomotive out of order. Com-
mandant Grekoff, from Petrograd, orders the train to move to
Petrograd." Evident absurdity. Every one was doing as he
pleased. Again we called up the Duma — "Not yet decided."
We waited. Another note : "Malaya-Vishera. By order of
Engineer Kern, at 4 :50 train No. A ** returned to Bologoye."
We again called up the Duma.

* Malaya-Vishera is about 154 versts from Petrograd.
** The Imperial train.

"Hold it up?"

"Not yet decided. Keep track of the train. When the situ-
ation becomes clear you will receive instructions."

I was at loss.

"They are consulting with the Soviet," said Roulevsky.

"With what Soviet?"

"Didn't you know that a Soviet of Workmen's Deputies
was formed three days ago after the example of 1905?
Tchkheidze is the president and SkobelefT and Kerensky are
vice-presidents. Did you expect to make a revolution with
Duma members? You know yourself what follies they commit.
The Soviet has already issued two appeals. Here they are."
and he handed me two sheets.

"From the Soviet of Workmen's Deputies.*
"Citizens : the representatives of the workmen, the
soldiers, and the population of Petrograd, meeting at the
Duma, announce that the first meeting of representatives
will take place today at 7 P. M. in the Duma. All the troops
that have come over to the people must immediately elect
their representatives, one for each company.

"Factories are to elect one deputy for each thousand
workers. Factories having less than one thousand workers
elect one deputy.

"February 27, 1917."
II.

"February 28,

"From the Soviet of Workmen's Deputies
"The old regime has brought the country to complete
disorganization and the people to starvation. It was im-
possible to suffer further. The population of Petrograd
turned into the streets to announce publicly its dissatisfac-
tion. The people were met by firing. Instead of bread,
Tzar's government gave them lead.

"But the soldiers refused to go against the people.
Together they turned against the government and seized
arms, military supplies and a series of important govern-

* A fact worthy of being entered on the pages of history. The Soviet was formed
on the same day as the Committee of the Duma and five days before the Provisional
Government. Its first appeal to the population proceeded by a whole day the previ-
ously quoted appeal of the Committee of the Duma.

ment departments. The struggle still goes on ; it must be
fought to a finish. The old power must be completely over-
thrown and leave its place to a people's government. In
this lies the salvation of Russia.

"For a successful result of the fight in the interests of
democracy, the people must form their own governmental
organization. Yesterday, February 27th, there was organized
in the capital a SOVIET OF WORKMEN'S DEPUTIES
from the elected representatives of shops and factories, of
the revolutionary parts of the army as well as of Democra-
tic and Socialistic parties and groups.

"The SOVIET OF WORKMEN'S DEPUTIES sets
forth as its basic principle the organization of the power
of the people and the struggle for a final and definite estab-
lishment of political freedom and the rule of the people
in Russia.

"The SOVIET has appointed Regional Commissars for
the establishment of the rule of the people in the regions
around Petrograd.

"We call upon the people of the capital to rally to the
SOVIETS immediately, to organize local committees in
these regions, and to take into their own hands the admin-
istration of all local affairs.

"All together with united strength, we shall fight for
the complete removal of the old government and the meet-
ing of a Constituent Assembly elected by the formula of
equal, direct, universal, and secret ballot.

"THE SOVIET OF WORKMEN'S DEPUTIES."
But when were the elections being accomplished?
Oh, you Akim Simplicimus! What kind of elections are
there now? Workmen, soldiers and revolutionists came to the
Duma, and here you have a Soviet. Of course, there also came
into the Duma Socialist factions. It was necessary to create
a revolutionary center. You didn't expect Goutchkoff and Rodzi-
anko to make a revolution? ....

My head could not grasp it all. But there was no time to
think. One must do his duty. I again rang up the railroads.
All were at their posts. I got Moscow. With the exception of
the Railroad and the Chief of Operation, all was in order. I
reported to Boublikoff the necessity of appointing in Moscow
a chief of the junction and an assistant. He consented, but

refused to sign a telegram. "Let Kozireff or Borisoff sign it."
This aroused my suspicion. After BoublikofFs first telegram,
the workmen on the railroads knew of the revolution and also
that he was Commissar, but they did not know that Kozireff
and Borisoff were his subordinates, and might be led to suspect
that the latter were "stealing on their own hook."

I began to organize train despatching. I selected for this
purpose the office of Ustrugoff, next to BoublikofFs office; be-
sides, there were three telephones, two city and one Ministerial.
On the first day the room was occupied by officers giving out
passes to employees, but on March 2nd, we moved them into
the office of Reisler and then into the secretarial room. I called
upon my old "fighting" co-worker of the Office of Experiments,
G. V. Lebedeff, and asked him, together with Roulevsky, to take
upon themselves the duty of watching the telephones. On the
following day there came to their assistance an employee of the
Ministry, Arapoff, an old "Operation" man (a Constitutional
Democrat). Officially, they were on watch at the telephone
twelve hours each, and then rested twenty-four hours, but in
reality they had to attend to a number of other duties.

But half past nine, there came to me a deputation of my
students of the Institute of Ways of Communication. They
related that the Institute had been occupied by an infantry
regiment which came from Peterhof. I made use of them mo-
mentarily. They called up some of their friends and by noon,
I had at my disposition about twenty energetic students of the
Institute. Each of the three men on watch at the telephone had
four students to run his errands and the rest of them remained
at my disposal. But even this staff proved insufficient. Those
on watch at the telephones were exhausted. It was necessary
to appoint an assistant to each of them. In so far as automobiles
were concerned, we were successful in obtaining two from the
Nicholaievsk Railroad and one from the Electrical Association
of 1886.

But I anticipate About nine o'clock we were notified

from Bologoye, that the Tzar's train had arrived there. Again
we called up the Duma. This time a decision followed : "Hold
up the train at Bologoye. Hand the Emperor the telegram of
the President of the Duma and make up for the latter a special
train to Bologoye." In the telegram mentioned, Rodzianko
called attention to the critical situation of the Crown and asked

for an audience. This telegram was delivered, under my per-
sonal supervision, to the Tzar's train; the receipt was signed
by Woynoff, but no answer followed.

I had only time to read Woynoff's receipt and to order
Kozhevnikoff to make up a special train for Rodzianko, when
the telephone rang from Pravosudovitch.

"I have received a request from the Imperial train to send
it from Bologoye on to Pskov. What is to be done?" Like
lightning the thought of the danger of this plan passed through
my mind : Nicholas wants to get to the army.

j "Not in any event," I answered Pravosudovitch.
( "Yes, sir. It shall be attended to."

But not more than ten minutes had passed, when a tele-
graph message was delivered to me by telephone : "Bologoye.
Train No. A with Nicholaievsk locomotives has departed for
Pskov without awaiting orders."

Boublikoff ran around the office in a rage.

"What is to be done? Suggest, quick!"

"The situation is serious," I answered, emphasizing my
calmness. "We must talk it over."

"We must act "

"Yes, after proper consideration and only after considera-
tion. . . . Dynamite the bridge? Take up the rails? Overturn
the train? It is questionable whether the Duma would com-
mend us for that. And then, who will do all this? We had bet-
ter block up one or two stations with freight trains. Moreover,
the train is without orders, and even the Tzar's train may hap-
pen to be blocked in by freight trains."

At this time Ustrugoff came in to his office. Boublikoff
hastily ran to him.

"Order immediately that on the Vindavskaya, in the path
of No. A., one of the junctions shall be blocked up by a couple
of freight trains."

"I refuse to obey such instructions."

"Wh-a-a-t ....?"

In the eyes of both of them there was something dreadful.
Roulevsky and myself snatched out revolvers. It is said that
I put my revolver to UstrugofFs body, but I do not remember
it. Ustrugoff went as pale as a sheet and muttered, "All right,
all right immediately." Recollecting this scene, I am al-
ways ashamed of myself and of all the participants. What was

the use of having Ustrugoff do this when it was possible for
me to talk myself with Pravosudovitch? What was the purpose
of threatening with a revolver when it would have been suffi-
cient to dismiss him or even threaten him with dismissal .... ?'7
But be that as it may, Ustrugoff began to hold up the Tzar's \
train and I decided to go to the Nicholaievsk Station to see
Rodzianko off and, what was more^ important, to see what was
going on there. I had just gotten ready to go when — a telephone
call from the Office of Experiments : "From the roof of our
building a machine gun is firing; soldiers below are ordering
everybody out so that they can fire on the whole house." I
asked Rotmeister * Sosnovsky to send them some soldiers, and
myself, together with Inspector Nekrassoff, whom I had as-
signed to go with Rodzianko's train, started for the Nicholaievsk -^
Station. Nekrassoff decorated himself entirely in red ; a red /
band on his arm and a red band on his hat. I felt uncomfortable f
and remained dressed strictly in the uniform. On the right
side of our automobile there was fastened a big, red flag. The /
soldier who sat next to the chauffeur had a red band on his I
bayonet.

In the city firing was still going on. Here and there, from
the roofs, machine guns were firing. Groups of soldiers, work-
men and students were storming these roofs. The first glance
at the streets showed speeding trucks, full of revolutionists.
There were also many broken-down and overturned automo-
biles. But in general the atmosphere was happy and invigorat- )
ing. Notwithstanding the firing, the streets were full of people,
many women and children. In some places we saw attempts
to decorate the houses with red flags. The atmosphere was
like that of a holiday — like Easter.

We came to the station. At the entrance Kozhevnikoff
and the Substitute Chief of the Station were waiting for me.
They reported as before. The station was full of soldiers of
different regiments. In the buffet everything was broken into
small fragments. The office of the Chief of the Station was oc-
cupied by Grekoff, the Revolutionary Commandant. I first of
all went to see the special train. On the way Kozhevnikoff
complained of Grekoff, that he seemed to want to take charge
of the whole operation and created chaos. I talked with the

Lieutenant.

engineer and ordered him to keep up 100-110 versts an hour.
I went to Grekoff: by the way, I must ask Rodzianko on the
telephone when he is going. The soldiers would not allow me
to see Grekoff. Long conversations began; who I am, on what
business, etc. I was answered for by the Substitute Chief of
the Station and Kazhevnikoff. Finally we were allowed to go in.

Grekoff himself was not in ; we found his assistant. After
learning on the telephone that Rodzianko was to leave in half
an hour, I started diplomatic conversation. I was arguing and
trying to prove that only specialists should operate railroads,
that the Ministry of Ways of Communication was entirely on
the side of the revolution and that the duty of the Commandant
was to take charge of the moving troops and to see that there
was order, but not to take charge of the operation. It seems
that I convinced. . . .

At the end of the conversation the Chief of the Railroad,
Nevezhin, came in quite agitated. He was feebly submissive.
He made undecisive attempts to direct. He took me to his
apartment, which had been wrecked by employees and soldiers :
everywhere there were traces of bullets. The looking-glasses
were broken ; the furniture was broken, but not all of it.

And Rodzianko still not here. I again rang up the Duma.
"Just starting out." With Nevezhin we went out on the porch
to meet the head of the Government. Znamenskaya Plaza was
full of people. From afar were suddenly heard outcries,
"Hooray!" "And to this Rodzianko had arrived," thought I.
But it was not he. Troops were going to the Duma to offer it
their loyalty. Only when I saw these grey, well-known masses
of people with red flags, did I realize fully and definitely what
had happened. For at least an hour section after section of
troops, in full order with music and officers, passed. And I
looked and looked .... and involuntary tears came into my eyes.

Rodzianko had still not arrived. I again went to the tele-
phone.

"Will soon leave."

"Tell him that in order to let his train through, I have
ordered all passenger trains held up. We are completing utter
disorganization in the operating department, and train No. A.
gets further and further from Bologoye. Explain to him that
I must know the exact time of his departure."

"Michael Vladimirovitch leaves at once. Order the train
in half an hour."

I waited. What a familiar face that man in the soldier's
uniform had. Aha, that was Azis Nicholaievitch, an assistant
to the buffet attendant, Bairasheff, who has fed me many a year
in Luban and in trains. Recently he was taken into the army.

"Azis Nicholaievitch, what are you doing here? You are sup-
posed to be at the front."

"I am on the sanitary train, Your Excellency. I arrived
and went to my boss and here is what I got into. The other
day I said to him, 'Donate three or four thousand, you will lose
more. Cook for the soldiers 'shtchi' * and 'kasha' ;** give it away
free of charge.' He was stubborn and when the soldiers broke
in, the cooks ran away and there was nobody to cook. Well,
it started. . . . Everything is broken. Would you believe me,
not a plate was left, the silver and linen taken away, a loss of
about 40,000."

"And in Luban?"
1 "Luban is all destroyed . . . dark people, enraged."

"Hungry."

"No ; mainly by reason of rage, Your Excellency."

"Rage "at" whom?"

"At all those who live well. Excuse me, Your Excellency.
At present, at the front, it's quite doubtful as regards food ; in
the trenches there is hunger and on the Staffs the officers deny
themselves nothing. You know yourself. Here, because of
abuse, they are breaking and destroying. It is necessary to}
understand. Therefore I said to the boss, 'Cook day and night.;
They will thank you.' Is it much that a soldier needs ?^JJ**

Saying good-bye to Azis Nicholaivitch, I again went out
on the porch. A half an hour passed. Rodzianko had not ar-
rived. There was no sense in waiting longer. Leaving Nek-
rassoff at the station, I went back to the Ministry. On the way,
we were fired upon by a machine gun from the house of
Mayeffsky but they missed us. All the bullets went wild be-
hind us.

* Cabbage Soup. ** Gruel.

*** A few months later, when the label of the class struggle between proletariat
and bourgeoisie had been applied to the massacres that were going on, the same thought
was even better illustrated by a Petrograd cabman. To the question of his fare,
Professor Harper of Chicago, "\Vho are the bourgeois?'' the cabman replied, "Bour-
geois, sir, are those who lived well under the old regime."

1 entered my office. Rotmeister Sosnovsky was wildly
shouting into the telephone.

"I am reporting for the fifth time, that the guard in the
Ministry of Ways of Communication has not been relieved for
the last twenty-four hours and is without food. . . . You sent?
Nobody came. . . . Well, I'll ring up the Semenovsky Regiment.
Gentlemen, connect me with the Semenovsky Regiment. I want
to talk with Col. N. N. . . . Colonel, I am the Chief of the Guard
of the Ministry of Ways of Communication, Rotmeister Sos-
novsky. Your regiment is keeping guard in the Ministry of
Ways of Communication. No food, no relief. . . ."

The conversation dragged on a long time. At the other
telephone I tried to find out where the Tzar's train was. It
happened to be going to Staraya-Russa.

PETROGRAD.

OBOOKHOVO.

TO MURMANSK AND VOLOGDA.
)Tz/^RSKOY£5lELO.

PAV>VSK.
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DNO STARAYA RUSSA. BOLQGOYE

From Petrograd to Staraya-Russa by way of Dno is three
hundred versts while by way of Bologoye it is four hundred.
It was senseless for Rodzianko to go through Bologoye. True,
there were three hundred versts of double track but at the same

time the Tzar's train will be getting ahead of him. It was ne-
cessary to overtake him at Dno. We rang up the Duma. Rodzi-
anko was still there.* He condescended to go by the Vindav-
skaya Railroad to Dno. I cancelled the first special train on
the Nicholaievsk and ordered another on the Vindavskaya. The
incident with Ustrugoff had its good side : we ourselves gave
orders by telegraph without the assistance of the officials of the
old regime. I rang up Pravosudovitch.

"What about the holding up^of No. A.?"

"No results; too late. At Dno the gendarmes arrested all
the disloyal railroad men and demand troops for guard duty."

"May we let the President of the Duma go there?"

"I don't know."

We notified the Duma. Rodzianko sent another telegram
to the Tzar. No answer.

Nekrassoff rang up from the Vindavskaya station which he
had reached on foot. "Train ready. I am awaiting orders."

"Wait."

It was after two o'clock. . . . Telephones, orders. . . . Not
a minute's rest. ... I began to get terribly hungry. All re-
connoissances in that respect proved futile. The dining room
was not working and then, less than half of the employees had
reported for duty. The chief clerk appeared in company with
a middle aged but pleasant lady. She smiled and asked, "Do
you wish to eat?" She happened to be the wife of a courier,
a Lettish Socialist, and had decided to prepare our food. Her
name was Cecilia .... a good soul. She fed us as though fatten-
ing us for the market. The menu was very limited ; kasha,
potatoes and beef-steaks, but always fresh and appetizing. Thus
we were assured of food and otherwise our duties were entirely
in regular routine. Without exaggeration, it may be said that
Ustrugoff's office, from which its boss had been disposessed,
was throbbing with the revolution. The provisioning of the
soldiers was also organized. Their food was brought to them
from the Institute of Ways of Communication.

It got dark ; we turned on the electricity. A message came
by telephone : "Train No. A. arrived in Dno. The Emperor is
pacing the platform awaiting the arrival of the President of the

* At that time the vacillating behavior of Rodzianko seemed unpardonable. In
reality, throughout the whole day he had had parleys by military wire with General
Russky. Beside that, the Committee of the Duma could in no way come to an under-
standing with the Soviet as to what was to be done with the Tzar.

Duma." I rang up the Vindavskaya Railroad. "The President
of the Duma has not yet arrived." Boublikoff called up the
Duma. "A very important session is now going on between the
Committee of the Duma and the Soviet of Workmen's Deputies.
Rodzianko cannot go now, but asks that you hold the train. We
have received an answer from General Russky in Pskov, saying
that he will do his duty to the country. . . . The army is with us."

"But what about No. A., Alexander Alexandrovitch?"

"How do I know? We'll have to wait until they stop talk-
ing ..." and Boublikoff went out, slamming the door.

Pravosudovitch rang up : "The Emperor asks when will
the President of the Duma arrive. He also asks that his train
be ordered to Pskov."

I then rang up the Duma myself. Rodzianko and I re-
ported.

"Order them to inform His Majesty, that the extraordinary
situation does not allow me to leave the capital. The Imperial
train is to be let go with all the formalities due to Imperial
trains. Do you understand?"

"Yes, sir. It shall be done. It means that I shall cancel your
train on the Vindavskaya?"

"Yes, but make up a train to Pskov. Some members of
the Duma are going there with a message of extreme impor-
tance. Did you understand?"

"Abdication?"

"That does not concern you and such words must not be
spoken."

"Yes, sir."

Nevertheless, Roulevsky, through his friends who were
members of the Soviet of Workmen's Deputies, was notified by
the same telephone that it had been decided to demand abdica-
tion. The Duma had argued the whole day as to what was to
be done. There had been motions for removal, abdication and
discipline, that is, the imprisonment of the Tzarina and the
appointment of a responsible Ministry. Abdication was de-
cided upon. From the Department of Operation an order was
brought to me for signature, allowing the Imperial train to go
to Pskov. I wished to believe this the last Imperial train in
Russia. I began to talk with the Rotmeister. We found that
we had mutual acquaintances in the Ukrainian Hussar Regi-
ment; he knew Misha. He is extremely able to deal with sol-

diers, they obey him wonderfully. "He is a real one, brother,"
I heard a bearded corporal saying about him. "With him,
brother, you can't. . . ." In answer another soldier spilled a
tirade of profanity and evidently they understood one another
but I didn't. . . . About seven o'clock Pravosudavitch called up :
"What's to be done with the Georgian Cavaliers?"*

"Which Georgian Cavaliers?"

"A few days ago, the Staff ordered three eschalons of
Georgian Cavaliers to Tzarskoye Sielo where there was sup-
posed to be an exhibition of trophies. With the first eschalon
is General Ivanoff. He demands to be allowed to proceed,
otherwise he threatens to use force."

"Inform the General of the situation. What kind of exhibi-
tion could there be now?"

"The General asks that he be allowed to go to Tzarskoye
in his own car with a separate locomotive or that his car be
coupled with a suburban train."

"I will report to the Commissar."

Boublikoff rang up the Duma. It was ordered to let him
through.

The Duma had published a list of Commissars to take
charge of the various Ministries. Boublikoff was omitted from
this list. Dobrovolsky was appointed Commissar of Ways of
Communication. About eight o'clock he appeared at the Min-
istry. For a long time he talked with Boublikoff locked in his
private office. How they divided their duties remained unknown
but Boublikoff categorically asked me to remain with him as
Assistant Commissar. I was moved. Our personal relations,
after Boublikoff's project of the new railroad in Grishino-Rovno,
had been very strained. He had a perfect right to cherish a
resentment but, nevertheless, for the sake of duty he was now
pushing me. Not every one is capable of that.

The Military was quiet. The Departments of Despatching
and Telegraphs were working in full swing. The movement of
trains was everywhere normal. Lebedeff was on watch.

"Take a rest," says Boublikoff.

"Allow me to go to Tzarskoye, for the telephone is not
working. By the way, I will find out what is doing there. How
is the garrison?"

* An organization of soldiers who have been distinguished for bravery.

"Fine. Go."

And I went. There was hardly anybody in the ten o'clock
train. Arrived at Tzarskoye, I asked the officer on guard at
the station how things were. He reported : "General Ivanoff
has spent twenty minutes at the Palace and gone back to Viritza.
I The troops have pronounced themselves neutral and put on
I white bands." When I came out of the station there were no
cabs. Scattered firing here and there. The soldiers were show-
ing their joy and firing into the air. I could see a light in my
house. My wife was not asleep. There was much questioning
and many tales, but like a stone I fell into bed and slept like a
dead man.

March 2nd.

At six o'clock I was awakened and by seven I was already
rattling on the train. There were many soldiers in the first-class
( car, a thing I saw for the first time in my life. They were smok-
\ ing and spitting and the demand for tickets was answered by
V. an enormous tirade of profanity. About two versts from Petro-
1 grad the train stopped. Soldiers from the outside stood at the
doors and let nobody out. In about twenty minutes, an intoxi-
cated Second Lieutenant and a Corporal, entered the train ac-
companied by ten or twelve soldiers with rifles. The Lieutenant
put his revolver to the head of every passenger in turn while
the corporal questioned them as to their business in Petrograd.
My turn came; I showed my pass and BoublikofFs telegram.
They let me go immediately.

At the station there were many soldiers. A tumult, shout-
ing. Something was wrong. I ran to the Ministry. A com-
motion was also going on there. Everybody turned on me,
angrily asking why I had gone away. I firmly told them all to
keep quiet and asked Lebedeff to tell me what had happened
and to explain the situation. It happened that about four o'clock
in the morning, a note had been received from the Vindavskaya
Railroad, saying that General Ivanoff had arrested the Chief of
the Viritza Station, where he was spending the night, and at the
head of the Georgian Cavaliers with two other eschalons had
left in the direction of Tzarskoye Sielo. Lebedeff transmitted
this information to the Duma and himself ordered the rails taken
up between Semrino and Tzarskoye. (See the above plan.)

In about half an hour I recalled that there is another branch
from Semrino to Vladimirskaya and that Ivanoff could go to

Gatchina by way of this branch. But I ordered a freight train
to be allowed to jump the rails at a switch there.

There could be no hesitation. I called up Pravosudovitch.

"What is the situation?"

"General Ivanoff is in Semrino. He is talking by telephone
with the gendarme officers who left to meet him at Vladimir-
skaya. The Military Committee of the Duma has just ordered
all movement of trains stopped. LebedefFs order to take up the
rails has been carried out. But instead of taking up the rails,
we have taken off parts of the switches between Semrino and
Tzarskoye stations. We have numbered them and sent them to
Petrograd."

"A wonderful idea. Many thanks. One of our telephones
will be constantly connected with yours. Keep me informed
of all of Ivanoff's movements."

And here it must be said, that the telegraphers of the Vin-
davskaya Railroad proved equal to the situation. They con-
tinued to transmit messages even when on the other side of the
wall, General Ivanoff was shooting their comrades. We did not
miss a single step of his.

No sooner had I finished the conversation with Pravosudo-
vitch, than a student who was keeping watch at another tele-
phone handed me the receiver, to which Lobanoff was called.

"What about Gatchina?"

"There are about 20,000 loyal troops."

"What do you mean by loyal?"
\ "Not revolutionary."

"Remember once for all, that those are mutineers. Those
on the side of the people are loyal. So, Gatchina is in the hands
of the mutineers. What else. . . ."

"There are also a few eschalons in Alexandrevskaya and,
what is more important, train after train comes in with new
troops."

"Take off the switches in Gatchina. And what about the
collision with the freight trains?"

"I don't know yet. Unlikely "

Called up the Duma.

"Military Committee?"

"I am General Potapoff. Who is speaking?"

"I am Lomonossoff, BoublikofFs assistant. By his request,
I am taking charge of the operations of the railroads and I

would very much beg of you not to issue any orders of this
character. I will do everything in my power and have already
accomplished something, but there cannot be any division of
power on the railroads."

"What have you done?"

I told him.

"All right."

"What else do you want done and what is the situation at
present?"

"I will meet General Ivanoff six versts outside of Petro-
grad. Has he any artillery?"

"I do not know. But there is some in Tzarskoye. Are you
in communication with Tzarskoye?"

"Not at all. Are you?"

"I slept there. But the telephones are not working. The
troops have declared neutrality, but in Gatchina they are on the
side of the old regime."

"I know. But Ivanoff moves on Petrograd and not on
Gatchina."

"He may turn from Semrino to Gatchina and evidently
wants to do so. But we will make an attempt to stop him by
railroad means."

"How will you do it? It is necessary to send forces to op-
pose him."

"Your troops will not pass through Alexandrevskaya and
Gatchina and between Tzarskoye and Semrino the switches have
been put out or order."

"How did you dare? .... I will have you shot."

"Allow me, Your Excellency, are you sure of the Tzarskoye
Sielo garrison?"

No answer followed. The situation was pretty bad. It
looked, not like Potapoff shooting me, but like the Tzar's gal-
lows. Lebedeff told me that towards morning they were already
debating how we were going to be hanged ; whether they would
keep up all the appearance of science or hang us on the gas light
poles or the electric light poles. Sidelnikoff could not stand all
the jokes of these "gallows-birds" and ran away.

All the telephones rang at once.

"The Duma demands a special train for Member of the
State Council Goutchkoff and Deputy Schulgin."

"Tell them that the train has been waiting since yesterday
and that Inspector Nekrassoff is in it."

"Hooray !" shouts Lebedeff. "Gatchina is cut off from Sem-
rino. A train was derailed and another run on to it."

I began to dance with joy. But immediately a thought
passed my mind: "But what does it matter to him to walk
twenty versts?" But aloud I say:

"Inform Alexander Alexandrovitch of this. Russia will not
forget your service, Gregory Vasilievitch (Lebedeff). But I shall
not forget also that I slept this night. My only excuse is, that
I have trained such a pupil as you."

The service of Lebedeff surely should be written on the
tablets of history. Should General Ivanoff have succeeded in
breaking through to Gatchina, the result of the March Revolu-
tion would have been very different. Moreover, General Pota-
poff was defending Petrograd only on the side of Tzarskoye
Sielo. The new chief of the Northwestern rang up :

"In Louga the garrison has gone over to the revolution and
is plundering the city. Evidently the incoming eschalons intend
on their part to attack the city and expel the revolutionary
troops."

"This is very important. Dear friend, please inform Alex-
ander Alexandrovitch about this. And I must call up two
parties . . . Vindavskaya? Manager? Chief of Operation? . . . .
Wait, somebody is talking on the other telephone. . . . So.
General Ivanoff still confers. And what is doing at the sixth
verst?"

"Four guns have been set up and there are 6,000 soldiers.
We expect some more to come up."

"Excellent. Order General Ivanoff to be watched con-
stantly."

"Uriy Vladimirovitch, a telephone call from your home,"

"From home .... ?"

"Raisa, is that you?"

"How in the world !"

"We have been connected with the palace wire. (Even
now, I do not know who made this connection. But for two
days' communication between revolutionary Tzarskoye and rev-
olutionary Petrograd was maintained over this wire.)

"What's the news?"

"In the morning the troops came over to the Palace The

Tzarina came out to them. The Svodny and the cavalry regi-
ments have declared neutrality. The Palace is being guarded
by the neutrals. There is complete quiet in the city. How are
you?"

"Tremendously busy. Are our Tzarskoye Sielo regiments
trustworthy?"

"They seem to be. Why?"

"We must know. This is the first news we have had from
Tzarskoye. Did you hear anything about Alexandrevskaya?"

"It is said that pourparlers are going on ; some new troops
arrived."

"Good-bye."

"Alexander Alexandrovitch, important news from Tzars-
koye. Tell this news to the Duma yourself. Also make a train
to Louga for Deputy Lebedeff."

"Yes, sir "

"Well, the situation is clearing up," I thought. "Ivanoff
cannot get to Gatchina for four or five hours. There is already
a mutiny in Louga. The Tzarskoye Sielo garrison is on our
side; possibly we will not be hanged. But what further? Ab-
dication? And then a regent during whose time it will be easier
to win civil liberties . . . ?"

"Uriy Vladimirovitch, the Duma is asking for a special train
to Tzarskoye Sielo to hold pourparlers with the Tzarina."

"Order one "

"Uriy Vladimirovitch, General Ivanoff wants to talk to you
on the telephone. We are notified from the Vindavskaya that
he demands to be let through to Petrograd."

"Well," I thought, "you won't go without switches, my
dear soul."

"I am General Ivanoff."

"I am Professor Lomonossoff."

"The manager of the Vindavskaya has told me that you are
directing railroad operation and that without you he cannot give
orders. What does this mean?"

"Aha," I thought, "let us be cunning."

"Your Excellency, in such a critical time and situation the
management of the railroads must be concentrated in one person.
Furthermore, the Witebsk-Petrograd line is one of our most
important military routes."

"Who are you?"

'I am taking the place of Director General Bogasheff since
his arrest."

"By His Majesty's order, I am on the way to Petrograd."

"Although the Staff has not issued any such order I will
take your word for it but I cannot guarantee you a safe passage
to Petrograd."

"Why?"

"There are four batteries of artillery and about 20,000 in-
fantry concentrated to meet you six versts outside of Petro-
grad." (I boasted.) "Talk it over with the Duma."

"I am very much obliged for this information. Is it quite
exact?"

"Surely, Your Excellency, would I dare? "

"Good-bye."

Forty minutes elapsed. A call from the Vindavskaya.

"General Ivanoff insists that he be allowed to go to Tzar-
skoye. He is arresting employees and threatening to shoot
them."

"Let him go; let him turn over at the first switch. It's
a pity for the engineer, but what can be done?"

"It shall be done."

One hour passed.

"General Ivanoff has returned to Semrino and again wants
to go to Gatchina."

"Excellent. Give me the Northwestern. . . . What? . . . .
I am Lomonossoff. How are things in Gatchina?"

"The chief of the station refuses to obey your order about
the switches; the troops are quite firm on the other side. The
Chief of the Traction Section, together with the workmen, has
obtained somewhere two machine guns and entrenched himself
near the depot. Member of the Duma Lebedeff is in Louga.
He is speaking to the soldiers."

Ivanoff's hesitation was pleasing to me, but his determina-
tion to go to Gatchina very much otherwise.

"General Ivanoff retreats to Viritza, evidently for reinforce-
ments."

"Hooray! We are saved!" Only to gain time. "As soon
as his train moves south, take up the switches behind him."

Thus he was cut off from Semrino.

"The train carrying Goutchkoff and Schulgin has passed
Gatchina safely on the freight tracks. But in Louga, they have
refused to pass them."
"Who?"

"Mutinied troops. Something unimaginable is going on
there."

Another telephone call.

"The Nicholaievsk reports that the eschalons which were
held up are plundering the station."

"Send these trains as far as possible in any direction, but
do not let them get to Petrograd. How are the trains?"

"Moving more or less regularly. All passenger trains ar-
rived only a little late."

I called up Moscow; there was complete order. The entire
garrison had gone over to the side of the people. Militia was
being organized. The junction was working like a clock. The
arrival of provisions from the south was normal. I called up
Kharkoff. There, even the people had gone over to the revolu-
tion and continued to do their duty. Boublikoff was all this
while trying to communicate with Caucasia in order, so to say,
to hook the Grand Duke.

Ivanoff slowly retreated to Viritza. Boublikoff sent the
following telegram to him there:

"It has become known to me that you are arresting
and terrorizing the railroad employees who are under my
jurisdiction. By order of the Provisional Committee of the
Duma, I warn you that you are thereby taking upon your-
self a heavy responsibility. I advise you not to move to
Viritza as, according to my information, your regiments
will be destroyed there by the artillery fire of the people's
troops."

At the same time new eschalons kept coming up from the
south. A few trains also came up from Pskov. BoublikofFs
orders were disobeyed. On the Northwestern, we practically
only command Petrograd and on the Vindavskaya — only the
Petrograd- Viritza section. Further to the south some one else
was in charge. All this time we were trying to call up the
Headquarters. We began to inquire who was sending troops
to Petrograd and for what purpose. We received evasive an-
swers. Boublikoff began to exchange recriminations with them.
I called Pskov, the Chief of Division, Gavaloff.

"Who is sending eschalons to Petrograd? The Commissar
has ordered them held up."

"I follow the orders of the chief of the movement of troops
from Petrograd."

"Which?"

"Our Southwestern, Col. Shakhoff."

"Um-m. . . . How are things at your place?"

"The Imperial train is standing at Pskov, awaiting the ar-
rival of Goutchkoff."

We called up the Duma.

"Military Committee? Is Col. Shakhoff connected with
you?"

"Who is that?"

"The chief of the movement of troops at Warsaw Station."

"Yes, yes, certainly."

"Are you sure? He is in charge of the sending of troops
to Petrograd. In fact, south of Gatchina they obey him and
not us."

"Urily Vladimirovitch, the Vindavskaya is calling."

"The switches have been taken up behind Ivanoff."

"Fine."

"But there are many people who live at Tzarskoye and
Pawlovsk, waiting at the station ; is it allowed to resume traffic
to Pawlovsk?"

"I will ask the Duma immediately "

" Yes, all right. Resume it."

We all felt greatly relieved. The main danger — Ivanoff
with his eschalons — seemed to have passed. That danger, as it
afterwards became clear, had not been small ; only a few days
before, he had been appointed Chief Military Commander of the
Petrograd region by the Tzarina. He had really tried to crush
the revolution and had he broken through to Gatchina, who
knows what would have happened? Also, the duplicity of the
Headquarters awaits its own historian. But whatever might
have happened, Ivanoff was cut off from Petrograd by the heroic
efforts of the Vindavskaya troops. Our entire attention was
now concentrated on Goutchkoff's train.

"It's nearing Louga."

"It has arrived."

"It's standing in Louga."

"It's still standing in Louga. The soldiers of the garrison
have left on a locomotive to meet the first eschalon. Pourpar-
lers are going on."

"The first eschalon has gone over to the side of the Revo~
lution. But Goutchkoff cannot leave for fear of the others."

"All right. Call Inspector Nekrassoff to the telephone."

"I am Nekrassoff. How are things going?"

"Broken through to Gatchina with difficulty. The situation
is this: certain eschalons have gone up to Gatchina and Alex-
androvskaya and stopped there. They expect orders but have
received none. The garrison of Louga is on our side. If the
incoming eschalons from the south will not join them, they will
hold them up by force."

"Dear friend, report to me immediately anything that hap-
pens."

"All right."

"Uriy Vladimirovitch, the Vindavskaya is calling."

"I am Lomonossoff. What is the trouble?"

"The Commandant refuses to re-establish train movement
on the outgoing switches and at the relief points without a writ-
ten order from you."

"I will immediately send you the order of the Commissar
with the official seal."

It began to be dusk. Kozireff came into our room, took
Roulevsky by the arm and walked him over to the window.
They had a long conversation. Kozireff was agitated, Roulev-
sky unmoved and jubilant. I began to listen and was almost
ready to burst with laughter. Kozireff was trying to prove to
Roulevsky that he was not at all such a supporter of the Black
Hundred as people thought, that he discharged Minsky and that
he was heart and soul for the Russian people. . . . Roulevsky
listened condescendingly and shook his head in dignified fashion.
If only Kozireff had known that he was talking with the book-
keeper of the Northwestern Railroad !

"The second eschalon has gone over to the Louzhsky garri-
son."

"The third, also."

"Fine. When will you start?"

"The fourth is stubborn ; we are sending a deputation to
Gatchina to convert them."

"Uriy Vladimirovitch, the Vindavskaya is calling."

"I am Lomonossoff."

"The soldiers refuse to obey the order to resume the move-
ment of trains. The people are very excited. If possible, come
yourself."

"Take me along," Kozireff begged, "and afterward we will
go to dinner at my place."

"Fine. I will then take a flying trip to my dentist after
dinner." I rang up the "tooth puller" and then Kozireff and I
went out. The Vindavskaya station was completely full of
people. All were excited.

"Gentlemen, be patient. The movement of trains will be
resumed."

"It's outrageous, only fooling. Why was the movement of
trains stopped?"

"So," I thought, "in the city they don't know anything about
Ivanoff. This is good." We went up to Pravosudovitch. An
officer ran in right behind us.

"The guards arrested the Commandant when he went to
remove them and allow the train to pass. They demand an
order with the signature of the President of the Duma and the
Duma seal."

"I will call up the Duma immediately. Send somebody
from the railroad there with a soldier."

I called up the Duma and the Northwestern telling the
latter to run the train on the Tzarskoye branch and again went
out to the public.

"Gentlemen, the train will leave in an hour, not before. In
an hour also a train will leave Warsaw station for the Tzarskoye
Pavillion. Those for whom it is convenient, had better take this
train."

We went to Kozireit's and then to the dentist. He filled
my tooth and wondered all the time at my courage. In the city
there was absolute quiet; flags were everywhere. Firing haid
ceased. A surprisingly large number of people were in the
streets.

At eight o'clock I returned to the Ministry. Much news.

"Nicholas II, at Pskov has appointed Prince Lvoff, Presi-
dent of the Council of Ministers and as Supreme Commander-
in-Chief — Nicholai Nicholaievitch (Grand Duke Nicholas). Lvoff
has been given the task of forming a responsible Ministry."

"Too late. How is Goutchkoff 's train ?"

"Not far from Pskov. Ivanoff went on to Petrograd and is
at present at Soosanino junction. All the switches have been
removed ahead of him."

Brrrrr Again about Ivanoff. He had just sent a pri-
vate telegram. The chief of the junction was asking whether
he should accept it.

"Certainly. Accept it. Get the money, but send the tele-
gram to me."

"It has been done."

"Transmit the telegram."

"Petrograd. Mokhovaya." (I have forgotten the number
of the house and the apartment as well as the name of the
addressee.)

"Go on !"

"Mamma ill. Papa better. Tell her. Ivanoff."

"What is this nonsense?"

"This is a code," said Lebedeff. "The addressee is ficti-
tious— that is clear. It is necessary to clear up who lives in this
apartment."

"Dear friend, that isn't our business. Ring up the Duma.
Call Commissar of Justice Kerensky and tell him about it. And
meanwhile, I will ring up the Vindavskaya."

"Well, have you resumed the movement of trains?"

"Just now. An awful disorganization. Why is the military
butting in?"

"Uriy Vladimirovitch, Kerensky wants to talk to you in
Boublikoff's absence."

"I am Lomonossoff."

"This telegram is very important. Please inform me im-
mediately if another follows."

"Excellent. When it is possible, please confide their mean-
ing to me."

"With pleasure."

A package of papers was brought in. I had no time to look
at them when another telephone call came in.

"Goutchkoff's train is nearing Pskov."

"It has arrived."

"Call Inspector Nekrassoff to the telephone."

"I am Nekrassoff. At 20:42 (8:42 P. M.) Goutchkoff and
Schulgin entered the Tzar's car."

''Gentlemen," my voice carried through two rooms, "Goutch-
koff and Schulgin have entered the Tzar's car. ... A new era of
Russian history begins."

Silence followed which was broken in upon by Boublikoff.

"Connect me with the Duma. . . ."

"Goutchkoff is already with the Tzar. . . . Yes. ... By
telephone to you ? — It shall be done. The President of the Duma
begs to order that the documents. . . . Well, what's the use of
being sentimental ; the Act of Abdication should be transmitted
here by telegraph immediately and then by telephone to them."

"By telegraph in code?"

"What for? It's all the same. It will be in the papers to-
morrow. And then? I'll ask. . . . The Duma. . . . Yes, trans-
mit it in code."

I called up Nekrassoff and asked him to inform Goutchkoff,
when he left the Tzar's car, of Rodzianko's desire

Another telegram from Ivanoff to the same addressee:

"Send the second basket of bread."

"Transmit it to Kerensky."

Long, anxious minutes passed. It was about ten o'clock
(22). Nekrassoff told me over the telephone his adventures in
detail, but I hardly listened to him.

"They have left the car "

"Go quickly to Goutchkoff Alexander Alexandrovitch,

they have left the car."

Twenty extremely long and anxious minutes passed.

"I am Nekrassoff. Member of the State Council Goutch-
koff has turned over the Act of Abdication to the Commandant
and wants to talk to Commissar Boublikoff himself."

Boublikoff locked himself in his office. In about five minutes
the door opened widely :

"I congratulate you . . . Nicholas has abdicated. But re-
member, while this Act has not been received it is a secret. Not
a word."

In a few minutes, however, I had disregarded this request.
Ivanoff again called me :

"In accordance with the order of His Imperial Majesty,
I order you to allow me, with all my eschalons, to go to
Petrograd."

"General, by order of which Emperor? Nicholas II. has
abdicated "

The conversation was suddenly interrupted. In a few min-
utes there followed another request to let the train go back to
headquarters. It was physically impossible to hold up the train
and I did not feel like letting it go to Headquarters.

"The General demands an additional locomotive."

"All right, give it to him. But order the water let out of
both tenders."

"Yes, sir."

And thus, after traveling seven versts, the General was
stopped for the night by his locomotives running out of water:
The Vindavskaya naturally did not hasten to send a relief loco-
motive.

A call from the Northwestern:

"Gavaloff and Nekrassoff, by order of Goutchkoff, ask that
the Imperial train be allowed to go to Headquarters."

"Alexander Alexandrovitch, a request is made to let Nicholas
go to Headquarters. This is beyond my understanding. Talk
it over with the Duma yourself."

From the next room arguing voices were heard

" — It is ordered to let it through . . . and then they ask us
to transmit the Act of Abdication as soon as possible."

"Connect me with Nekrassoff. . . Yes, I am Lomonosoff.
What about the Act of Abdication?"

"The Commandant is coding it. I begged that it be given
to me to give to you. He refused. I told Goutchkoff. He said
that it made no difference."

"All right, but why don't you go back?"

"Just for the same reason. The Gatchina soldiers have sent
a deputy to Louga to convince themselves that the eschalons
have really gone over to us. We are waiting. Goutchkoff is
with General Russky. They are conferring."

"Uriy Vladimirovitch, the Duma is calling."

"Hasten the transmission of the Act of Abdication. We are
waiting. It must be published specially."

"But where will you publish it?" I asked, almost automat-
ically.

"Yes, that is a question. Our means are quite limited and
the state printing office is not working."

"Possibly we can help you. I will inquire about our own
printing office." Incidentally, the manager of the printing office
happened to be still at the Ministry at that late hour. We dis-

cussed the organizing of the publication of this work. I re-
ported to the Duma.

"But you understand that this is a secret. No one is to know
about it until publication."

"All right. We will let all those go who are not to work
directly on the publication and put a guard at the printing
office."

"That's fine. Then you will be the first Revolutionary
Secretary of State."

"I am proud of it."

"As soon as the text is received send it to the Duma and
begin to set it up."

"I do not promise. The printers do not come until eight
in the morning."

"All right. Only hurry."

I again rang up Pskov.

"The Commandant is coding it very slowly. We will begin
transmission soon." %

"The Imperial train has left."

"Do you know the context of the Act of Abdication?"

"I guess at it, but cannot say."

"Gentlemen, order the Northwestern to transmit this tele-
gram directly here."

We waited. Midnight was approaching.

March 3rd

Lebedeff was again on watch. Arapoff was assisting him.
Rotmeister Sosnovsky went again to look over the guard in the
Minister's apartment and returned from there quite red and ex-
ceptionally jolly. He said something incoherent of an attempt
of some soldiers to rob the Minister's apartment which was
unoccupied, as Trepoff had not yet removed his furniture and
Krieger had not yet moved in. I sent a trustworthy man to
find out what was the matter. It was true, there were attempts
to rob the place, especially the cellar. Our brave Rotmeister
saved the cellar and as a reward, Mme. Trepoff had ordered
him to be given wine for his table. I did not like it, and told
Boublikoff the whole story.

"It sounds like the truth."

"What?"

"That he has been given wine for his table."

"That is ... ?"

"Do you think that if this brave young man had succeeded
in getting into the cellar he would have been able to return?
Mme. Trepoff would not have gained by that and good wine she
has."

"Uriy Vladimirovitch," Lebedeff shouted, "LobanofT reports,
first that Goutchkoff is leaving, and second, that they have
started to transmit the Act of Abdication. But it is addressed
to Col. Shakhoff and is coded in the Military Code."

"How is that and who is this Colonel?"

"The same that sent the eschalons."

"Strange, very strange . . . What do you think, Alexander
Alexandrovitch ?"

Boublikoff, yawning, cursed in his sleep and ordered the
Duma called up. We went away. After all the trouble we had
gone through with General Ivanoff and waiting for the Act of
Abdication we were all rather nervous. We could not work
and conversation flagged.

"Well, my friends," said Boublikoff, appearing at the door,
"I am going to sleep. It's a long procedure. Concerning the
Act of Abdication, we are ordered to wait its transmission and
decoding by the Colonel. Make arrangements with him and as
soon as it is ready send it by automobile with two soldiers to
the Duma. Yes, and when GoutchkofFs train arrives in Gat-
china, ring up the Duma. Rodzianko wants to meet this old
adventurer. And by the way, the apartment to which IvanofFs
telegrams were addressed is occupied by a member of the
Duma, Sviatopolk-Mirsky."

"Is that the same that wanted the reintroduction of serf-
dom?"

"Yes, the same. They arrested that fellow. Evidently he
was acting the part of go-betwen for IvanofT and Alexandra
Feodorovna (the Tzarina)."

BoublikofT went to sleep and we kept awake. Finally, with
difficulty we got the Colonel on the telephone. At first he said
that the Act of Abdication would be decoded in two hours,
but then it appeared that it had to be corrected by a second
transmission, as in one place it could not be deciphered. And
time kept on passing . . . The Duma was also anxious and
several times inquired, "Then when will it be ready?" I called
up the Colonel myself.

"Well, Colonel, may I send an automobile for the Act of
Abdication?"

"What automobile?"

"To take it to the Duma."

"Yes . . . You know the correction is still going on. But,
pardon me, I don't clearly understand, what have you to do
with it, Professor? And besides that, the telegram is addressed
to the Chief of Staff. I will report to the superiors. Ring up
in half an hour."

"The devil take it! This is suspicious. It is clear that he
is delaying purposely. Call up the Northwestern. Ready?
Find out on the telephone with whom Col. Shakhoff has been
talking all this time. . . . Aha, he has spoken several times with
Pskov and Alexandrevskaya . . . Excellent . . . Disconnect his
telephone . . . What? He has a city telephone? Gregory Vasili-
vitch, call up the city exchange and in the name of the Commis-
sar demand the disconnection of Col. Shakhoff's telephone. But
tell the Northwestern that they are to connect him with us at
any time."

"It should be reported to the Duma."

"Possibly."

I reported and after the liberation decided at any rate to
arrest the Colonel and take the Act of Abdication. Soldiers
and a truck were sent from the Duma for him. I asked that
some one should go to Lobanoff and that the latter should
call me up.

We waited. It was already about five o'clock in the morn-
ing. The Rotmeister was telling us some of his impressions of
the war . . . Brrrrr . . .

"I am Lobanoff. The office of the manager of troop move-
ments is surrounded by your soldiers. The order for his arrest
has been received. What are your orders?"

"Enter and demand the Act of Abdication. If he refuses,
give a signal and let the soldiers come in."

"Yes, sir."

"And connect me with the Colonel . . . Hello . . . Col-
onel, is that you? What about the Act of Abdication?"

"Strange thing, all my telephones are out of order ..."

"That happens, but what about the Act?"

"Almost ready. We are copying it" . . .

"... One second, here is Engineer Lobanoff . . . Oh, he
is acting under your orders."

"Are you willing, Colonel, to give the Act of Abdication to
Lobanoff immediately?"

"You see . . . On account of the telephone I wasn't able
to talk it over with the superiors. . . ."

"I am simply informing you of the orders of the President
of the Duma."

"I am at loss ..."

"Give the receiver to Lobanoff. Is that you? Take all
copies away from him."

I hung up the receiver. We waited. About ten long
minutes passed.

"Brrrrr ... It has been done. We took it away."

"And what about GoutchkofFs train?"

"In about twenty minutes it will arrive in Gatchina."

"Thank you. Gentlemen, inform the Duma. Well, it seems
that all ... "

I began to go over the routine work of the Ministry. In
general, the aspect of the operation of trains was very satis-
factory. Only on the Southeastern there had been snow storms.

"Uriy Vladimirovitch, GoutchkofFs train is arriving. The
automobile from the Duma met him but Rodzianko did not
arrive."

I waited. In a quarter of an hour the receiver was handed
me. "Inspector Nekrassoff wants to talk to you."

"Arrived. Well, and trouble there was with Gatchina es-
chalons. But now they are peaceful."

"You had better tell me the details."

"The substance you know. Abdication in favor of Michael.
Goutchkoff says that Nicholas has always given him the im-
pression of a man with a small wooden soul. He was continu-
ally interested in how he was going to live now. It was wonder-
ful to see that when the Deputies came out from their car the
soldiers stood at attention. The Deputies wanted to talk it over
with General Russky first but Nicholas insisted that they should
be taken directly to him. In the car, beside the Tzar, there
were Fredericks and Russky. I am awfully tired. Good-bye.
I will come to you with a report about twelve."

I was meditating ... It had happened. Nicholas had ab-
dictated and Michael II, had succeeded to the throne. It is said

that all this had been foretold to him, as well as that he would
be the last of the Romanoffs.

"Well, we must announce it to the guard. "Emperor Ni-
cholas has abdicated in favor of his brother . . . Hooray for
His Majesty, Michael II.? Let the Rotmeister assemble the
guard . . . But the abdication has not been published . . . and
then, how will the people take it? I will wait." All these
thoughts passed through my mind.

"Listen, friend," I told one of the students, "it is too early
to announce officially the abdication but you just inform the
soldiers that Nicholas has abdicated in favor of his brother and
casually overhear what they say."

The student went out and I again began to meditate. "What
will happen now? A responsible Ministry with the Octobrist
Rodzianko at its head? Rodzianko will be put in Golitzin's
place and in the place of Pokrovsky — Milukoff, and that's all?
And then reforms and war? Reforms under Rodzianko's guid-
ance, what sort of reforms will these be ... ?" The student
returned confused.

"Complete apathy, Uriy Vladimirovitch. No impression
whatsoever. 'Horse-radish is no sweeter than plain radish/
they say."

"Uriy Vladimirovitch, the President of the Duma is calling
you."

"Yes, sir. I am Lomonosoff."

"Where is Goutchkoff?"

"I don't know. He arrived an hour ago. I will inquire
immediately."

"I will send you immediately the Act of Abdication. Pub-
lish it right away."

"How many?"

"About five thousand and possibly more, but send the first
hundred immediately to the Duma."

"Yes, sir."

We called the Northwestern.

"Goutchkoff is talking with deputations."

We called again.

"Will soon leave."

It was already about eight o'clock when we called a third
time. None of the superiors could be found. I sent Lebedoff
and waited. The Duma called continuously. Finally, a little

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Facsimile of the original Act of Abdication of Nicholas.

(Translation of the Act of Abdication,)

General Headquarters.

To the Chief of Staff.

In the days of the great struggle against the foreign enemy
who, for the last three years, has been trying to enslave the land
of our birth, it has pleased Almighty God to lay a new heavy
burden upon Russia. The internal and popular disturbances
which have started, threaten to react badly upon the further
continuation of stubborn war. The fate of Russia, the honor of
our heroic army, the welfare of the people and the entire future
of our dear Fatherland demand the continuation of the war by
all means to a victorious termination. The merciless enemy
is straining his last powers and the hour is near when our
heroic army, together with our honorable Allies, shall finally
and completely break the enemy. In these decisive days in the
life of Russia, WE have determined, as a duty of conscience,
to help OUR people to undivided unity and the concentration
of all the strength of the people for the swift attainment of
victory, and, with the approval of the Duma, WE have decided,
for the sake of general welfare, to abdicate from the throne of
the Russian Empire and to remove from OURSELF the su-
preme power. Not wishing to be separated from OUR beloved
son, WE give over OUR inheritance to OUR brother, Grand
Duke MICHAEL ALEXANDROVITCH and give HIM OUR
blessing upon his ascent to the throne of the Russian Empire.
WE instruct OUR brother to conduct the affairs of the State
in complete and inseparable unity with the representatives of
the people in the legislative institutions, on a basis which will
be established by them. Having given an inviolable oath in the
name of our dearly beloved country, WE call upon all true sons
of the Fatherland to fulfill their holy duties toward HIM, to
submit to the Tzar in this hard moment, all the hardships of the
people, and to help HIM, together with the representatives of
the people, to lead the Russian Empire on the path of victory,
prosperity and honor. Almighty God, help Russia.

NICHOLAS.
City of Pskov.
March 24, 15 hours, 5 minutes. 1917. *

Minister of the Imperial House,
Adjutant-General Count Fredericks.

* 3.05 P. M. 55

after nine, having lost patience, I took an automobile and went
to the Warsaw station.

It was a clear, frosty morning; but you could already feel
Spring in the air. The city was wholly covered with red flags.
There was a tremendous mass of people and the nearer we got
to the station the denser became the masses. Slowly the auto
crawled through this living sea towards the station. Suddenly
I saw Lebedeff approaching, walking slowly in his sporty fur
overcoat with a turned-up collar. I gave a joyful cry, but he
was disturbed and motioned to me to keep quiet. I ordered the
chauffeur to turn, which was a difficult task in this mass of
people. Finally we turned and on the other side of the bridge,
in the place where Pleve was killed, we caught up with Lebedeff.
He stepped into the automobile, his face very perturbed.

"Where is the Act? Where is Goutchkoff?"

"Here is the Act," said Lebedeff hoarsely, giving me a
paper. "Goutchkoff's arrested by the workmen."

"What?" I stuttered, putting the Act of Abdication into the
left-hand pocket of my coat.

"I will tell you all in the Ministry."

We silently entered Boublikoff's office. Dobrovolsky and
a number of employees were sitting there.

"Well, what?"

"Nothing, but . . . Alexander Alexandrovitch, I have some-
thing very confidential to tell you."

"Excuse me, Gentlemen, for one minute. No one is to be
admitted."

We four remained, Boublikoff, Dobrovolsky, Lebedeff and
myself.

"What is the matter?"

"Goutchkoff is arrested . . . Here is the Act of Abdication."

As sensational as was the news of the arrest of Goutchkoff,
the eyes of all of us focused upon the paper which I placed
upon the table.

"Finally got there ..." said Boublikoff after a few min-
utes silence. "So we shall give an oath to Michael . . . ? Yes,
but what about Goutchkoff?"

"When his train arrived in Petrograd a mob met him,"
began Lebedeff. "He delivered two speeches at the station . . .
and then went to a meeting in the shops."

"An old adventurer," muttered Boublikoff.

"When I arrived, he was already in the shops and Schulgin
and a Member of the Duma, Lebedeff, together with the high
officials were sitting in the office of the Chief of the Station.
It was known that there was unrest in the shops. The atmo-
sphere was alarming. Then it was said from the shops that
Goutchkoff had been arrested, that the Act of Abdication had
not been found on him and that they were going to search other
Deputies to destroy the Act."

"What for?"

"The 'Comrades' Bookbinders want to remove the Tzar
and all the rest . . . An abdication is not enough for them."

"And then?"

"Then Deputy Lebedeff turned over the Act to me and I
quietly and surreptitiously ran away."

"And Goutchkoff and the other Deputies?"

"I do not know."

"I will talk it over with Rodzianko and you, gentlemen,
find out what has happened to the other Deputies."

The Commissars shut themselves in and we went to our own
rooms. The Act of Abdication actually burned my left side.
We were informed by telephone that Goutchkoff had been liber-
ated and that, with Schulgin and Lebedeff, he had gone to the
Duma. With this news I went to the Commissars. They pre-
sented a complete contrast. Calm, I might even say indifferent,
Dobrovolsky, dressed like a fashion plate, was absent-mindedly
inspecting his finger nails. Boublikoff, completely lost, untidily
dressed, his face showing lack of sleep, was running about the
room darting glances here and there and cursing like a pagan.

From their quite incoherent words I understood that in the
city the situation was approximately the same as at the station.
The majority of workmen were against abdication. Hot dis-
cussions about it had been going on in the Duma between the
Committee and the Soviets since early in the morning, or rather
since night. The Soviet had been strengthened by soldier de-
puties.

"The Act of Abdication is being searched for throughout
the city. Possibly they will come here."

"Where is it?" asked Dobrovolsky.

"In my pocket."

"This won't do. It must be hidden."

"Put it in a safe? Put a guard over it?"

"No, put it in a most inconspicuous place and not in this
room. ... Of course, the saving or destruction of this document
will not change the situation, but nevertheless . . . First, the
abdication releases the troops from their oath . . . secondly, its
destruction would only give new hopes to the black powers."

"And shouldn't we take a few copies of the Act first, Ana-
toly Alexandrovitch ?" (Dobrovolsky).

"Yes, but no one must know about it. We will make up
a Committee of Three for the preservation of the 'lost Act'."

"No, of four. Lebedeff saved it."

"Correct. Call him in."

Lebedeff came in. He was informed of the situation and
we went with him to the Secretariat room to make copies. The
Commissars began to receive reports from the different depart-
ments of the Ministry. Lebedeff was dictating while I wrote.
When the copy was ready, I called in the Commissars. All four
of us certified the copy and we hid the original between some old,
dusty official newspapers which were on the bookcase in the
room. "Now we may begin to publish from the copy," said I.

"No, it is necessary to ask the Duma," argued Dobrovolsky.

"What for? The sooner the Act is published the sooner
this turmoil will end. And then the composition, proofreading
and publishing will require time and beside that the printers
are waiting."

"No, we must ask."

In a few minutes an order followed : "Do not print, but the
printers are not to leave." Counting the number of words in
the Act of Abdication I nevertheless went to the Ministerial
printing office to confer with the manager of it as to how to
organize the work. I was soon called out from there.

A new order from the Duma — to take the Abdication to 21
Milionaya.

"What is this for?"

"That is the apartment of Michael Alexandrovitch." (Grand
Duke Michael). (Later it proved to be the apartment of Prince
Putiatin, which had been offered by him to the Grand Duke for
his pourparlers with the representatives of the Committee of the
Duma.)

"Do as you please, gentlemen," I protested. "But after the
Abdication has once been in such danger, to subject it to such

danger a second time is unpardonable. Michael will believe
our copy."

So it was decided. Lebedeff took a copy to that address.
From the Duma they called again and said that we would re-
ceive the order for publication from the apartment on the Mi-
lionaya.

In the printing shop everything was in readiness. We
waited. LebedefT called.

"I turned over the copy. The conference began. I was
asked to wait to return the copy to you for publication. Our
telephone is so and so."

We were getting inquiries as to the situation from all parts
of Russia. We decided not to answer until the result of the con-
ference in the Milionaya should be known.

"What is going on there?" We called up. LebedefT gave
evasive answers. Evidently he did not want to speak on the
telephone. BoublikofT sent Sidelnikoff there. Our entire at-
tention was concentrated on Milionaya. The conversation in-
voluntarily turned to the events possibly taking place there.
The basic question, just as in the morning', was the same: "Ab-
dication or removal?" Michael could abdicate also. Only one
man, Roulevsky, was determined upon removal, and then only
conditionally. All the rest were for abdication. Of course, re-
moval was much more effective and more spectacular. But who
is to think of spectacles at present? The country was at war
and removal would only cause conflicts in the army. No. Ab-
dication and only abdication. And what then? Practically all
of us were for a Constitutional Monarchy.

"The people need a Tzar. They are used to the symbol.
Now, under the presure of events, we may make up almost any
sort of a Constitution that suits us."

"You don't live by a Constitution. You must also put life
in order. At present we have a problem and warfare ..."

"Do you know what the soldiers say about Michael ? 'Horse
radish is no sweeter than plain radish . . .' Michael or Alexis,
it's all the same. The peasant has only one thought — land."

"A Parliamentary regime means extensive reforms, univers-
al ballot, land reforms first of all, and the Tzar is a historic
emblem of power."

"Uriy Vladimirovitch, you are asked to come to the print
shop."

I went. It wjas already about two o'clock. The printers
were protesting. I tried to explain and convince them of the
historic importance of the moment and gave them money for
dinner.

Returning from the print shop, I found Inspector Nekras-
soff. He told in detail of his journey with Goutchkoff. Of most
interest, of course, was the incident of the arrest.

"We came to the meeting. One orator after another spoke.
GoutchkofF went over to the Chairman. At first he was polite
and asked him to wait and then he said, 'Who are you?' 'I am
Member of the State Council Goutchkoff.' 'How can you prove
it?' Goutchkoff began to explain but the mass of people began to
shout, 'Arrest him, arrest him!' At this time I jumped up on the
table and began to argue that all Russia knew Goutchkoff and
that we had brought with us the Act of Abdication . . . Pour-
parlers began. We were politely kept another twenty minutes
and then liberated."

Lebedeff appeared.

"Well, what, what?"

"Michael has abdicated in favor of the Constituent Assem-
bly. Nekrassoff is writing the act. A Provisional Government
will be formed." Boublikoff was informed of the same from
the Duma. Prince Lvoff was to be at the head of the Provisional
Government. Evidently the Duma had decided upon it some
time ago and that fact, namely that Prince Lvoff was appointed
by the Tzar President of the Council of Ministers, points to the
fact that between the Duma and Nicholas II, there were certain
relations unknown to us. Most likely, the communication had
been through General Russky by telephone between Pskov and
General Headquarters.

"And thus the monarchy in Russia has fallen," I said, full
of thought.

"Doubtful," answered Lebedeff. "Michael, by his gentle-
manly action, has considerably strengthened his chances for
election."

"Possibly . . . Tell us the details."

"The apartment is quite plain. Two maids were serving
breakfast as though nothing had happened."

"Did you see Michael?"

"I did. His appearance was quite contented. He was walk-
ing around the room unperturbed. It was not even necessary

to argue with him. 'You, gentlemen, see better what is the wish
of the people/ '

"Who sees it? The people, as Pushkin says, are inarticu-
late. Petrograd is not the whole of Russia."

But in general the feeling was one of joy and exaltation, as
in a dream. Provisional Government, Constituent Assembly
... all holy words and here they were being transformed into
life.

I went into the Commissar's. Boublikoff was just finishing
a conversation with somebody on the telephone. He hung up
the receiver and began to laugh.

'Guess with whom I have just been talking."

'I don't know."

'With former Minister Trepoff. He begs to be arrested."

'What for?"

'He says it is frightful. Soldiers may break in. ... Tell
the Rotmeister to send soldiers."

"Alexander Alexandrovitch, Trepoff wants to speak to you
again."

"I listen. . . . Krivoshein and your brother have come to
you. ... I understand. . . . Arrest them also? With pleasure."

Not an hour had elapsed before our involuntary guests had
arrived. They were brought into the Commissar's and offered
tea. It was getting dark. The rays of the setting sun were giv-
ing the room a fiery red illumination. The guests felt wonderful.
. . . Brrrrr! Boublikoff was informed from the Duma of the
composition of the Provisional Government. All were atten-
tion. He dictated freely.

"The President — Prince Lvoff. He is also Minister of the
Interior. Minister of Foreign Affairs — Milukoff. Military and
Naval — Goutchkoff. Agriculture — Shingareff. Finance — Tere-
shtchenko. Who? Michael Ivanovitch? Yes, Tereshtchenko.
Commerce — Konovaloff. Ways of Communication — Nekras-
soff. Justice — Kerensky. State Comptroller — Vladimir Lvoff.
Education — not yet known.

All were silent.

The first that broke the silence was Krivoshein. Not speak-
ing to anyone, he said, "This government has one serious . . .
very serious fault. It is entirely too conservative . . . Yes, con-
servative. Two months ago it would have satisfied everybody.
It would have saved the situation. Now it is too moderate and

in this is its weakness. Now you want power . . . and thus,
gentlemen, you are sacrificing not only your child, revolution,
but our common Fatherland, Russia."

I was surprised at the words of this old Minister of the
Tzar, experienced as he was in life. One heard in them not only
wisdom but real truth as well. Possibly, besides that, my egotism,
that of a practical "creator" was hurt. But the whole composi-
tion of this Ministry did not please me. Pray, what kind of a
Minister of Finance was Tereshtchenko? A nice, cultured youth,
always nicely dressed, who was employed in a ballet and had
tremendous success with ballet girls. But what were Finances
to him and what was he to Finances? Russian Finances, un-
balanced by the war? And Nekrassoff was a Cadet, a Constitu-
tional Democrat, an idealist ... a Professor of Statistics of
Construction who was acquainted with railroads in his student
years and in the Duma. . . . Could one compare him with
Krieger? And why should they not take BoublikofF or Dobro-
volsky from the same Duma? Or, from our midst, Voskre-
sensky, Schmitt ... or even ShingarefT who unquestionably
is a man of brains? But he is by education a physician and in
the Duma was only a member of the Committee on Finance.
And what had this to do with Agriculture and Settlements?
The same Krivoshein is so much more able than he. ... No.
It was wrong.

Vaguely I formulated my thoughts.

"Yes, all are platform social workers," answered Krivoshein,
rather to my thoughts than to my words. "The roles have
changed. You, gentlemen, accept the Ministerial posts and we
will work in social organizations . . . and criticise you."

"Only that your criticism will be based on experience. It
is one thing to talk and another to know what is practicable and
what is not."

From the Duma they telephoned that both the Acts of Abdi-
cation should be printed on one sheet. I called up the Milionaya.
Sidelnikoff had already left. With the Rotmeister I sent down
to the printing office and we stationed the guard, a measure, as
the future showed, — wholly unnecessary. At three o'clock the
Council of Soldiers' and Workmen's Deputies had already issued
a hand bill : "Nicholas II has abdicated in favor of his brother,
Michael, and he, in his turn, has abdicated in favor of the people."
I first read to the compositors the abdication of Nicholas. They

listened attentively. One old man was crossing himself. I then
began to dictate word after word to six compositors. I was
called to the telephone which was guarded by a sentry.

"Please, come up."

I gave the dictation to a student and went upstairs. There
were Sidelnikoff and my old colleague, Baron V. B. Tisenhausen.

"Let's have the Act of Abdication."

"It's not here. Taken to the Duma. They will turn it over
later. Set up the first."

"It is being set up. What are you doing here, my dear
Baron?"

"I came to ask to be allowed to work for the Revolution."

"Excellent. Come with me as an assistant in the composing
room. Let us go there."

Having regulated the work in the composing room, I again
went upstairs. Evening set in. The electric lights were burn-
ing. Sidelnikoff was relating his impressions.

"I sat in the hall an hour, another hour. I began to get
bored. An elderly man in a coat came over to me. We began
to talk and then he introduced himself. Grand Duke Nicholas
Michailovitch.' * I also bowed and introduced myself as Coun-
selor at Law Sidelnikoff and we continued our convention. 'How
many times/ he said, 'have I explained to him, the fool, how this
would end. He didn't listen to me and here is where he is. In
December, for our own sakes, all we Grand Dukes sent him a
deputation : 'Imprison your wife, form a responsible Ministry/
He didn't even listen. He was always without a will and his
wife took away the last he had. . . ."

"Uriy Vladimirovitch, the eschalons on the Vindavskaya are
destroying the station."

"Well, now they can be taken to their destination."

The same disturbances took place on the Nicholaievskaya.

" 'When wood is cut, splinters fly.' People break loose some-
times. Call up the Duma and let them sign the Act of Abdi-
cation."

"Prince Lvoff has the Act of Abdication and he will not
arrive at the Duma before eight o'clock. The first meeting of
the Council of Ministers will take place at eight."

In a few moments there came another call. They asked us
to bring to the meeting the original of the Abdication of Nicho-

* A well known historian.

By order of the Committee of Members of the Duma, I
recommend that Automobile No. 1717 with the chauffeur Ivan
Rogovsky be allowed to pass throughout the city and into the
yard of the Ministry of Ways of Communication.

By order of the Committee of the Duma.
Official Seal. Member of the Duma Boublikoff.

3-3-17. Chief of Guard Rotmeister Sosnovsky.

las. Having consulted with Boublikoff, we decided that I, ac-
companied by Sidelnikoff, should take the "lost Act" to the
Duma and hand it to the Head of the Government, Prince LvofT.

I ran again into the composing room, talked again with the
railroads and then we began to look for the Act of Abdication.
It was not to be found. . . . Here was a case. A second time,
a third time. ... I felt cold perspiration on my back. I began
to shake every newspaper separately. Heavens, from one of
them the Act fell out.

We w,ent. The automobile traveled very rapidly. On the
Vladimirskaya we were stopped by soldiers.

"Get out. The automobile is needed for a special purpose."

"We are also going on special business. Here is a pass for
the automobile." *

"I am an Assistant Commissar. I am going to a meeting
of the Council of Ministers."

The soldiers began a consultation.

"Let them go, the madmen!"

We went on. At the Duma, notwithstanding the late hour
there were many people. There was no guard. I entered the
half dark Ekaterininsky Hall, dirty, covered with spit. Here in
the hall were people selling cigarettes, confectionery and all
sorts of rubbish. Everyone of them had established a stand.
There were plenty of people conversing in groups. Soldiers
were predominating. In the center of the hall Professor Art-
emeff was standing agitatedly. He ran to me and began to
explain the significance of the events. I finally got rid of him.
I inquired where the Duma Committee was, where were the
ministers, nobody knew. I was sent from one place to another.
Finally it was explained to me that I should go to the main
entrance in the left wing. We went through a corridor. ... At
one of the doors Junkers were standing guard. "Well," I
thought, "this is the place." They said "Yes," but would not
admit us under any consideration. The situation was a stupid
one. It was already half past nine.

Suddenly the door opened and there appeared my old ac-
quaintance, Deputy Lashkevitch from KharkofF. I took him
aside and explained the situation. He took us to a small room
where Deputies and Ministers were sitting around in groups.
At the right there was a door into another room. These two
rooms were the headquarters of the Committee of the Duma?

* See preceding page.

Why had Ro.dzianko left his beautiful office? Why was the
Committee hiding itself in the back rooms? I felt hurt.

"Gentlemen," announced Lashkevitch, "the Abdication of
Nicholas has been brought here."

MilukofT, NabokofF, Vladimir Lvoff and Godneff came over
to us and began to examine the Act of Abdication. The others
continued their conversations. Undecisiveness made itself felt.
I had gone to the sanctum of the Russian Revolution, to heroes,
and had found frightened pigmies. In our Ministry life was in
full swing. Here was a dead kingdom and I felt lost. It wras as
painful as though I had suddenly come upon the burial of a dead
friend.

. . . To the burial of my dream.

NekrassofT noticed me from the room. He came over and
asked me what I was doing there.

"I have brought the Abdication of Nicholas."

"Let me have it."

"Pardon me, but I will give it either to the President of the
Council of Ministers, as head of the Russian Government, or to
the Minister of Justice, as Attorney-General."

"But they are not here. You probably have plenty to do at
your Ministry. And then, I am your superior."

"In the first place, you have not yet taken office as Minister
of Ways of Communication. Secondly, I agreed with the others
to turn it in to the head of the government and thirdly, I must
get from Prince LvofT the text of Michael's Abdication."

"Well, do as you please." He shrugged his shoulders and
went into the other room.

Sidelnikoff and I looked at each other. Laughter could be
seen in his eyes.

It was already about ten o'clock and the Prince had not yet
arrived. Shingareff and Tereshtchenko arrived and then came
Konovaloff. From their conversation I understood that there
had been two more appointments : Stakhevitch as Minister of
Finland, and Kokoshkin as Minister of Poland. One of the
Ministers asked me how Kokoshkin could be brought to Petro-
grad immediately.

"He is required at tomorrow's meeting."

"Quite plain. About eleven o'clock an express train is leav-
ing Moscow. In the morning he will be in Petrograd. I will
order him a compartment."

''He will probably not make the eleven o'clock train."

"Then I will order a special train if it is necessary."

All looked at each other.

"How long will that take?"

"Well, to order the train, about five or six minutes. But
please make arrangements with Kokoshkin by telephone and tell
me the exact time he will leave. Otherwise we wrill cripple
traffic."

In about five minutes, Kokoshkin notified us by telephone
that he would be ready at two o'clock.

"It is immaterial wrhether it is two or three. The special
train will connect with the whole series of expresses just the
same. I will immediately give orders by telephone for three
o'clock. But please *notify Kokoshkin not to hold up the train
for one minute."

I began to dictate on the telephone : "Petrograd. To Nicho-
laievskaya. N.* I beg that a special train be made up on March
4th, for Minister Kokoshkin, from Moscow to Petrograd, to con-
sist of one car, first class, to leave Moscow about three. Passenger
arriving in Petrograd about eleven. Tickets as per number of
passengers. Inform Minister Kokoshkin by telephone in Mos-
cow of the exact time of departure ..." I turned to ask the num-
ber of the telephone. The surprise and dread with which the
Ministers regarded me as I was performing this simple opera-
tion of ordering a train was worth seeing. About half past ten
Prince Lvoff showed up, frightened and completely lost. He
brought the Abdication of Michael.

We waited for Kerensky a short time and then sat down.
In order to dismiss us (myself and Sidelnikoff) they began with
the question of publishing the Acts of Abdication.

"What shall we call these documents?"

"In reality these are the manifestos of two Emperors," said
Milukoff.

"But Nicholas," answered Nabokorf, "has given his abdica-
tion another form — that of a telegram to the Chief of Staff. We
cannot change this form. . . ."

"Right. But the one of decisive importance is the Abdica-
tion of Michael Alexandrovitch. It is written in your hand,
Vladimir Dmitrievitch (Nabokoff), and we can form it in any

Chief and Director-General of Railroads.

4&f^^ ^

'4&&&!&£s ^^^y^^f^.
-?&&&&%**?

3/777;

(Translation of the Act of abdication.)

A heavy task has been laid upon ME by MY BROTHER,
who has given over to ME the Imperial Russian throne in a year
of an unheard of war and of popular discontent.

Having the same thought as all other people, that above
everything is the welfare of OUR COUNTRY, I have decided
to accept the supreme power only on the condition that it should
be the will of our great people, expressed through their repre-
sentatives in the Constituent Assembly elected by universal
ballot to establish the form of government and new basic laws
for the Russian Empire.

Therefore, calling for the blessing of God, I ask all citizens
of the Russian Empire to submit to the Provisional Government
which has been created by the initiative of the Duma and which
has complete power until the election of the Constituent As-
sembly, which election will take place as soon as possible on the
basis of universal, direct, equal and secret balloting and will
determine the form of government and disclose the will of the
People. MICHAEL.

March 3, 1917.
Petrograd.

way. Write: 'We, by grace of God, Michael II, Emperor and
Autocrat of All-Russia, Tzar of Poland, Grand Duke of Finland,
etc., etc., hereby make known to all our loyal subjects: the hard
times

"Please, please, but he did not rule."

A lively debate ensued.

"From the moment of the Abdication of Nicholas, Michael
was the actual, lawful Emperor . . . Michael II," Nekrassoff
argued. "He was Emperor almost twenty-four hours. . . . He
only refused to accept the supreme power."

"Since there was no power there was no rule."

"You are dreadfully mistaken. What about the Emperors
who were feeble-minded and minors?"

The debate went deeply into state law. Milukoff and Nabo-
koff foamed at the mouth trying to prove that the Abdication
of Michael had a lawful significance only if it was agreed that
he was Emperor. March 4th.

Midnight found us in this debate. Finally, about two
o'clock, an understanding was reached. NabokofT wrote on two
pieces of pat^r the titles of the Acts.

Act

of Abdication of the Emperor Nicholas II, from the throne
of the Russian Empire in favor of the Grand Duke, Michael
Alexandrovitch.

/-» c^

^^^K^/^^^^^ &&0~

-^K^^S^^ -&fyy&*£#^'^

II.

Act

of Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovitch refusing acceptance
of the supreme power and acknowledging the full power
of the Provisional Government created upon the initiative
of the Duma.

Above these few lines a heading may be placed, "The result
of the first six hours' work of the Provisional Government."
With what bitterness I rode to the Ministry. "If this sort of
talk is going on in the Cabinet, what will it be like in the Soviet?
And what will be the position of this new institution while the
Cabinet exists? How will they be able to live side by side?
They must either converge into some sort of covenant or one
must dissolve the other."

I arrived at the Ministry ab'out three o'clock. There I
found my wife who had come to see me and had brought me
supper. She had been waiting for me since eleven o'clock.
Baron Tisenhausen had been keeping her company and scolded
me for being away so long. First of all, I ran with Tisenhausen
to the print shop to arrange the setting up of the second Abdica-
tion. After that I returned to my wife. We talked a little while
and then she went to spend the night at the Tisenhausen's. I,
on the other hand, went to a room in which there was a divan
and called in Boublikof? to share my supper. In the package I
found a chicken, pie, and a half bottle of Madeira. Boublikoff
made me wait for some time.

"Excuse me, I was talking with the Duma."

We ate and drank.

"Your health. We must talk seriously. I have had a long
conversation with Rodzianko. Probably Nekrassoff will become
Minister of Education and I will remain here."

"I can only congratulate . . . not you, but Russia."

"Yes, the question is one of assistants. You I will ask to
remain in your place, that is, to be the Chief Assistant Minister.
Another Assistant I also have in view, but who is to be the
Director-General of Railways?"

"Thanks, Alexander Alexandrovitch. But allow me to be
quite open with you. First of all, I would not like to receive
anything for my participation in the revolution. Secondly, I do
not think that I would be a good Assistant Minister, even with
you. It seems to me that if it is necessary to utilize me, place
me as Director-General or even as Chief of the Nicholaievskaya
Railroad. I know it."

"And who will be Assistant Minister?"

"Voskresensky."

"He will not consent. He was to be a member of the
Ministry."

"I think he will."

"Talk it over with him on the telephone."

The conversation dragged on until daybreak. We were
compiling lists of appointments and discharges and discussing
our first steps. I was called out a few times during this period
to the composing room.

And nevertheless, I felt a certain bitterness. It would be
said that I had staked my head, not for my country, but for a
career.

Towards morning the Acts of Abdication were printed. Part
of them was sent to the Duma, another part by my wife to
Tzarskoye, and a third part I myself took to the Ministry of the
Interior, distributing some to the people on the street. Firing
had completely ceased. It was a sunny day. The streets were
overflowing with people and there was general joy.

On the way an idea occurred to me to send a few hundred
copies of the Acts for distribution at all the stations and shops
of the railroads. The idea was original. I wanted to send them
with a proclamation to my own people so as to see what was
going on there.

Boublikoff sanctioned my idea.

"That's good," he said, "but, you know, we ought to tele-
graph first."

"All right. I will write the text." And in five minutes 1
gave Boublikoff the text of the telegram given below.

"What's the matter?" asked Dobrovolsky who entered the
room.

Boublikoff gave him the telegram.

"I suppose I have to sign it too."

"Please do."

They signed it, but I forgot to change the singular for the
plural and it was transmitted thus :

To all N.

Notify on line : Emperor Nicholas abdicated the throne
on March 2, in favor of Grand Duke Michael Alexandro-
vitch. The Grand Duke, on March 3, refused to accept the
supreme power until the establishment of a form of govern-
ment by a Constituent Assembly convened on the basis of
universal, direct, equal and secret balloting. He has ap-
pealed to all citizens to submit to the Provisional Govern-

ment created by the Duma, which Government has full
power until the Constituent Assembly shall decide upon the
form of government. The President of the Council of Min-
isters is Prince Lvoff. Minister of Ways of Communica-
tion, Nekrassoff. The Act of Abdication is being sent. Com-
plete order in the capital.

Member and Commissar of the Duma,

BOUBLIKOFF.

DOBROVOLSKY.

Yes, the capital was more or less quiet but this could not
be said of even the nearest stations. Here, for instance, is a
portion of a report of the Chief of the Station at Oredezh which
was submitted to me by Pravosudovitch :

I earnestly beg of you to do something to safeguard
the line and especially the station of Oredezh from pillage
by drunken and hungry soldiers. The eschalons, as though
purposely, are being held up in Oredezh either because of
the shortage of locomotives or because the brigades refuse
to go. All the stores were pillaged today. An attempt to
loot the former provision station was prevented by my per-
sonal appeal to the troops. All the employees are terrorized (
and their last piece of bread is taken away from them. To I
many brigades I have given out bread which they actually '
did not need but for whom it \vas a certain emphatic pro-
test that we must feed them, otherwise . . . etc.

Yesterday Locomotive No. 3 arrived carrying fifteen
drunken s'oldiers who had been shooting all the way from
Viritza. The employees refuse to go to work in the day
time for fear of being shot.

Please report to the Director that he should inspect
the lines and encourage the employees in their present diffi-
cult task. We must refuse to deliver bread to Petrograd
because, as it is, so much dough has been lost before it
could be baked, on account of the rioting of the soldiers :
besides that, the peasants today looted the co-operatives and
the freight station and we were obliged to give them out
flour destined for shipment. The man in charge of the sta-
tion was beaten and is almost dead. The situation is very
threatening. We cannot telegraph or telephone. You your-
self understand that I cannot write about everything.

We must have protection from outbreaks, and immedi-
ately.

March 2, 1917.

From other lines the same kind of reports came in. The
soldiers were unruly.

Still worse was the condition in Kronstadt. The sailors
were almost to a man Bolsheviki. They had expelled almost all
the officers. The less popular ones they arrested and compelled
them to clean the toilets. The members of the Duma who tried
to go there had no success.

Also, at certain places on the railroads, the employees were
beginning to get even with their unpopular superiors. I sug-
gested to Boublikoff that all these hooligans should immediately
be discharged. They had no place on the railroads.

"You're right, but you know, it's somewhat difficult while
Nekrassoff is Minister."

''Talk it over with him."

The conversation was very heated and without result. Evi-
dently Nekrassoff was to remain. Quite unexpectedly, about
four o'clock, he came to the Ministry himself . . . with his wife.
That lady looked at me strangely.* The Commissars locked
themselves with the Nekrassoffs in the office and conferred for
about two hours. At this time Kozireff, who had remained
Chairman of the Engineering Soviet, arrived to take the Min-
ister to the Soviet and introduce him to the members.

"Uriy Vladimirovitch, tell him about this."

I went in.

"No, you know . . . I'm not a member yet. And if I go
I will have to say something and I haven't prepared anything."

When I told this to Kozireff he became angry and person-
ally went to talk with Nekrassoff. He returned quite red.

The Ministry, with the exception of the presence of the
soldiers, began to take on a more and more normal appearance.
People began to come in, representatives of private railroads,
factories, etc. Almost every minute some decision had to be
made. Life went on feverishly. The chief obstacle was that of
legality. The Duma had given out a motto : "The Revolution
is ended. The new power must act strictly within the law.
There is to be no usurpation of authority." This was all well

It turned out later that we were old acquaintances.

and good, but the Tzar's laws still remained pretty bad. The
juriscounsel almost never left my office. We codified all that
had been done during the revolution and cleared up what had
to be abolished and in what order. For the sake of simplicity,
we prepared telegrams which the Minister was to sign, either
himself, or with the Minister of the Interior, or after the matter
had been taken up in the Council of Ministers. In the first place,
we sent a Ministerial telegram abolishing the rules for the ac-
ceptance of railroad employees. ^That is, we abolished political
spying in the Ministry. Secondly, a telegram was sent with
instructions for the removal of all obstacles to the work of the
Provisioning Committees. Thirdly, a telegram was sent abolish-
ing the railroad gendarmerie.

Shabunevitch entered the office, one of the old employees
of the Ministry, and handed in an anonymous paper bearing a
request to all the extra employees of the Ministry to gather at
five o'clock in the hall of the Committee for the purpose of form-
ing a union.

"What do you order to be done?"

"Nothing. This is none of our business. This is the busi-
ness of the Chief Clerk and he, I think, has no reason not to give
the hall for the meeting after office hours."

"And what about the union?"

"That again does not concern us. It concerns only the em-
ployees. We cannot interfere with their organizations. It is
their business. If they come to us with demands we will take
them up. But meanwhile we must stand aside : neither encour-
age nor obstruct."

"Yes, sir."

"Please inform the office," I said to one of the employees,
"to prepare a notice that no meetings are permitted during office
hours."

It got dark. The Nekrassoffs and Dobrovolsky went
away. Boublikoff was walking up and down in his office and
then talked for a long time with the Duma. Then he suddenly
appeared at the door.

"Well, friends, it's time to stop work. The Revolution has
ended. The banks are open. We must celebrate. Filaret, order
a supper in the club. We will remember our youth."

Thus, unexpectedly, a dinner was held of "those to be,
hanged." There were Boublikoff, Pavlovsky, Sidelnikoff, my-

self, Roulevsky, Lebedeff and Tiumeneff (from the Department
of Operation). We opened a few bottles of champagne and
drank toasts.

After the dinner I returned to the Ministry and began to
work.

Sunday, March 5th.

About three o'clock I tried to lie down on the floor but
could not fall asleep.

The entire morning was spent in conversations with the
railroads. Freight from the south to Petrograd had reached an
unheard of amount, 2,000 cars, and this during revolution. Our
railroad men proved superior to their task.

Moscow had solemnly taken the oath to the Provisional
Government on the Red Plaza.

In Petrograd, however, there was some trouble about the
oath. Certain regiments were trying to evade the taking of the
oath ; and pourparlers were going on.

There was also trouble with the rank and file on the rail-
roads. Instead of working, they attended meetings. The Soviet
appointed a Commissar for each railroad. A short time before,
the Commissar of the Nicholaievskaya had come to see me. He
was a very intelligent man with a high school technical educa-
tion, a Menshevik. We understood each other from the first
few words. The movement of trains had to be kept up but at
the same time the chief demands of the employees had to be
crystalized. When they themselves realized exactly what they
wanted, then we would bargain. The state, as employer, would
unquestionably meet their demands but at present we had to
work as much as possible.

It was much worse on the Vindavskaya. There the director
was wise and liberal but his Soviet Commissar was an uncom-
promising and unyielding Bolshevik from the intellegentzia.
They could not come to an understanding. As I was talking to
the Duma, there suddenly appeared a telegram signed by Keren-
sky and Nekrassoff :

To all N.

Inform all employees and workmen that, with the ap-
proval of the Provisional Government, there is being organ-
ized at the Ministry of Ways of Communication a special
Committee under the chairmanship of Deputy Dobrovolsky

for the rapid democratization of the rules of employment
on railroads as well as for the revision of the material con-
ditions of labor. In particular, the question of the repre-
sentation of employees and workmen in the administration
of the railroads will be decided upon. We invite, therefore,
all employees and workmen to await the decision of this
question and not to undertake immediately any steps of
their own which may break up the regular work of the rail-
roads so necessary during the present war and during the
establishment of the new power.

No. 1788. Minister of Ways of Communication,

NEKRASSOFF.

Minister of Justice, KERENSKY.
Correct: Rozhko.

Boublikoff and I were thunderstruck. First of all, Nek-
rassofF had not yet assumed office. Secondly, what kind of
representation of employees and workmen in the administration
of the railroads were they speaking of? What kind of par-
liamentarism was possible in a railroad organization which has
to work like a clock, submitting to a single will whose founda-
tion lies in the command of each second?

"And what's most important," Boublikoff shouted, "we
must give them something now, you understand, now, immedi-
ately! They will not be satisfied with a committee. This tele-
gram must not be sent but rather the one prepared by the juris-
counsel and yourself. This is a promise, the other is a real bless-
ing. And what is most important, we must immediately dispose
of all the rascals in the Ministry and especially in the railroads.
Write a corresponding telegram."

"But who will be the Minister, and then, who is managing
the Ministry now?" I asked.

Boublikoff did not answer but only glared and, locking him-
self in his office, he began to talk by telephone with the Duma.
Evidently his relations with the Committee were getting more
strained, and he was not going to be Minister.

"Despatch the telegram of Kerensky and Nekrassoff and
don't ask me any questions," shouted Boublikoff through the
half open door.

Roulevsky and I looked at each other and Boublikoff disap-
peared. About two hours passed at work unnoticed.

Roulevsky called me aside.

"We will not allow Alexander Alexandrovitch to go away.
We will strike."

"You've lost your senses. What sort of a strike can there
be now?"

"Eh, Uriy Vladimirovitch, this is only a beginning. . . . The
time will come when we shall have to take the Ministry again,
but by force. But so far Boublikoff is the man."

"Do not count on me. At the first attempt to create dis-
order I will take all lawful steps against you."

"Well, I'm not afraid of lawful means. And why are you
getting so set on the law, anyway? By what law, pray tell me,
does the Soviet exist?"

"We are not speaking of that no\v. I am heart and
soul for Boublikoff and fully understand the incapacity of Nek-
rassoff. But I am against any kind of plots. . . ." We went to
Boublikoff.

Boublikoff hesitated less than a minute and then decidedly
accepted my point of view.

"We must show an example of submitting to rule. And
then, nothing has been finally decided."

About three o'clock Nekrassoff arrived with Professor Nov-
gorodtseff. They locked themselves in the Minister's office and
began to prepare the manifesto of the Provisional Government.
Toward evening the following text was given me for publication :

"THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT NOTIFIES
CITIZENS OF THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE

"The old order has fallen. The inheritance of the de-
generate autocracy, the chains binding the strength of the
people are broken.

"The great overthrow has ended the long years of
struggle which have taken so much strength, and the lives
and liberties of so many of the best sons of our country.

"On October 17, 1905, it seemed that the people had
won the victory. A Constitutional form of government was
proclaimed. But the false and hypocritical powers, after
submitting to the forced concessions, began to recuperate
from the early blows and, by creating pernicious social divi-
sion by means of pogroms and by inhuman and bloody exec-
utions, attempted from the first day to crush out our new

born liberties. Notwithstanding all the attempts of the old
power, the first Duma formulated the fundamental demands
of the people. The Duma was dissolved. The second gained
no victory. In contradiction to fundamental law, the
supreme power changed the election laws with a view of
creating a docile Duma and during a period of many years,
has continually fought the aspirations of the people, has
put obstacles in the path of change, trying with all its might
to maintain the old order, an" order which gave no possibil-
ities for the economic and cultural development of the
people.

"The war broke out. All the governments of Western
Europe understood that victory was to be gained only by
straining all the strength of the people and by the unity of
the people. They invited into their midst the most gifted
and irreproachable people, those respected by the entire pop-
ulation. Nicholas II, as before, shunned contact with the
people, taking care only that the power should remain in
the hands of the adherents of the old order. He found them
among low grafters, people without honor, incapable of
understanding the needs of the state. These persons thought
only of their own interests, neglected the popular defense,
and some of them, whose names the people will not forget,
in the face of the enemy bargained with the fate of the coun-
try and covered their names with treachery. And behind
the back of this miserable government, the power, of all
those dark forces, criminal and licentious, was being-
strengthened. They were appointing and dismissing Min-
isters. Their ignorant voices were deciding the business of
the state. The friendship of the Emperor for them has put
a stigma on the name of the Russian Emperor and has
turned away from him all honest sons of the country.

"The cup of the people's endurance was overflowing.
A mighty attempt has united all citizens. On the side of
the Tzar no one was found. Deserted by all and realizing
his helplessness, he has abdicated from the throne for him-
self and his son and has turned over the inheritance to his
brother, Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovitch. The latter
has refused to accept the supreme power. He has acknowl-
edged that now only the will of the people may decide the
form of government and the fate of the throne. He has

asked all citizens of the Russian Empire to submit to the
Provisional Government which has been created on the ini-
tiative of the Duma and which possesses complete power.
In the name of duty to the country, the Provisional Govern-
ment has accepted the difficult task of this rule and before
the face of the people takes up the responsibility for its fate.
It will perform its duties and find its strength in the realiza-
tion of unity with the Duma and in the mighty support of
the Russian Army, the laboring masses and the social organ-
izations.

"The most important problem before the Provisional
Government is that of calling a Constituent Assembly in
the shortest possible time. This Assembly will be con-
vened on the basis of universal, direct, equal and secret
balloting and will establish the fundamental laws of the
future state according to the will of the people.

"Not wishing the heroic defenders of the country who
are now spilling their blood on the fields of battle to abstain
from participation in the elections, the Provisional Govern-
ment will guarantee their participation. The Provisional
Government is not called upon to decide upon all questions
of law as they arise. This shall be the task of the Constit-
uent Assembly and the legal institutions created by it. But
the Provisional Government considers it its duty at present
to issue a complete amnesty for all political and religious
offences, to guarantee to the people the rights of civil liberty
and civil equality and to introduce universal suffrage in the
election of the local self-government bodies.

"But at the head of all the problems of the people there
stands at present the greatest problem — that of securing a
victorious termination of the war in co-operation with our
glorious Allies. We, as well as they, are warring not for
the extension of our borders DUT tor the creation of a stable
peace which shall correspond with the dignity of a great
power and with the necessity for the fulfillment of its great
national problems.

"Citizens of the Russian Empire, in the historic mo-
ment now approaching let us unite and strain all our powers
to help our heroic army battling at the front. We have still
before us a number of hardships and privations. Submit-
ting to the inevitable and patiently overcoming it, we shall

remember that only by stubborn and self-denying labor, con-
ditions of new and better life are gradually created.
"To this labor Russia is calling all of us."

But then there came a telephone call from the Duma stating
that the Council of Ministers had changed the manifesto and
that the final text of the appeal would be delivered tomorrow.
I let the compositors go and decided to go home in order to have
some sleep at least.

I went to talk it over with Boublikoff. He was very per-
turbed.

"Well," he said, "tomorrow Nekrassoff assumes office. He
offered me the office of Assistant Minister. Nothing doing. . . .
You are not supposed to know anything about it. But you must
remain. I insist upon that."

"But I have a position. I am a member of the Engineering
Soviet."

"Yes, and also the Chief of Experiments. No, you must
remain at actual work. The Director-General will be Shubersky
but the place of Assistant Minister is vacant."

"Why, then, do you refuse?"

"I cannot work with these dummies. ... I am a man of
liberty and domination. I am a boss myself and you are em-
ployed anyway. ... Go out for a minute."

And he ran to the telephone. This was not a conversation.
It was one continuous shout. The word "dummies" was men-
tioned often. With whom, about whom and about what he spoke
I did not understand. But I have never seen Boublikoff before
or since in such a rage. "Scamps, swindlers, dummies. They
are sacrificing Russia. It is plain demagogy. They won't last
even two months . . . everything will go to the devil. They
will be turned out with shame."

"What's the matter, Alexander Alexandrovitch ?"

"What's the matter? Such favoritism did not exist even
in Rasputin's time . . . and then, why do you want to know all
about it? Go home and forget about our last night's conversa-
tion." Thanks for your co-operation. And he heartily embraced
me.

It is a strange thing. I am a man ambitious and power
loving. But I felt at that time as though a heavy load had fallen
from my shoulders. In a sort of ecstasy, with uplifted head, I left
the Ministry and went to the station. The realization that I had

not received anything for my participation in the revolution
made me happy and proud. Truly, I have never passed happier
minutes in my life. My wife completely shared by happiness.

March 6th.

Arriving at the Ministry about eight o'clock, I found the
text of the new manifesto which I turned over to the printing
office. Here is the text:

"FROM THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT

"Citizens of the Russian Empire

"The great event has happened. By a mighty outburst
the Russian people have overthrown the old order. A new
and free Russia has been born. The great overthrow com-
pletes the long years of struggle.

"By the Act of October 17, 1905, under the pressure of
the power of the awakened people, Russia \vas promised
Constitutional liberties but these promises were not ful-
filled. The mouthpiece of the hopes of the people, the first
Duma, was dissolved. The second Duma met the same
fate, and unable to conquer the will of the people, the gov-
ernment decided in the Act of June 3, 1907, to take away the
few rights the people had of participating in the legislative
functions. For nine long years the people have been de-
prived, step by step, of all the rights that they had won.
The country was again thrown into the whirlpool of auto-
cracy. All attempts to hold the power have proved futile.
The great world struggle which our country was compelled
by the enemy to enter courted a condition of moral degen-
eration of power. Not united with the people, indifferent
to the fate of the country, sunk in the shame of vice, even
the heroic attempts of the army, weakened by the weight
of unmerciful internal disintegration, even the call of the
representatives of the people united in the face of national
danger, all were powerless to induce the former Emperor
and his government to unite with the people. And when
Russia, due only to the unlawful and dangerous actions of
its rulers, was confronted with tremendous calamities the
people themselves were compelled to take the rule into their
own hands. A unified revolutionary outburst of the people,
conscious of the importance of the moment, and the de-
cisiveness of the Duma have created a Provisional Govern-

ment which considers it its holy and responsible duty to
bring to realization the wishes of the people and to lead the
country in a free and enlightened path of civil construc-
tiveness.

"The Government believes that the spirit of the great
patriotism which showed itself in the struggle of the people
with the old powers will encourage our heroic soldiers on
the field of battle. The Government, as far as it is con-
cerned, will do all in its power to guarantee our army every-
thing necessary to carry the war to a successful termination.

"The Government will be bound to keep holy all alli-
ances with other powers and will keep all agreements made
with the Allies.

"While taking measures to defend the country from the
foreign foe, the Government will at the same time consider
it its first duty to open the way for the expression of the
will of the people as to the form of government and will call
as soon as possible, the Constituent Assembly on the basis
of universal, direct, equal and secret balloting, guaranteeing
the heroic defenders of our country who now spill their
blood on the field of battle, participation in the elections.
The Constituent Assembly will also issue fundamental laws
guaranteeing the country the inalienable fundamental rights
of equality and liberty.

"Realizing the whole weight of unlawfulness now borne
by the country which sets up obstacles to the free creative
impulses of the people, in this year of hardship and popular
calamity the Provisional Government considers it necessary
immediately even before the convocation of the Constituent
Assembly to guarantee the country fundamental and stable
laws, securing civil liberty and civil equality in order to
allow all citizens to freely express the spiritual strength
in creative work for the welfare of the land of our birth.
The government will also undertake the establishment of
laws guaranteeing to all citizens equal participation in the
election of local self-governing bodies on the basis of uni-
versal suffrage.

"In the moment of the liberation of the people the whole
country with reverence and gratitude remembers those who
in the struggle for their political and religious beliefs fell
victims to the vengeful old power and the Provisional Gov-

ernment will make it a joyful duty to return with honor

from the places of their exile and imprisonment those who

have suffered and been victimized for the welfare of the

country.

"In doing this, the Provisional Government sincerely

believes that it is carrying out the will of the people and

that the entire population will uphold it in the honest desire

to insure the happiness of Russia. In this belief it finds its

courage. Only through unity and with the co-operation of

the people does it see the promise for the creation of a new

order.

"March 6, 1917."

Brrrrrr . . . Boublikoff rang up from his apartment.

"Dear friend, Nekrassoff has set nine o'clock in the morning
as the time for the transfer of the Ministry. I will arrive later. If
Dobrovolsky is not there turn over to him all rush documents."

I collected in my brief case all our projects, telegrams and
the most important information that we had received from the
railroads and waited for a telephone call from the Minister's
apartment.

"He has arrived."

I started out.

On the way Ustrugoff caught up with me.

"Where are you going?"

"To the Minister's. And you?"

"I also. What are you going for?"

"To turn over the rush documents to him."

"I will give them to him. Do not trouble the Minister."

"I am simply carrying out the order of the Commissar," I
answered and thought: "Are you, then, the Assistant Minister?"

The courier reported our arrival. We entered. Nekrassoff
was joyful but at the same time confused. I turned over the
documents to him.

"We will look it all up "

The courier reported the arrival of Sir George Carey, Vice
President of the Canadian Pacific, who had been sent by the
British as an expert for the Murmansk Railroad. A conversa-
tion through an interpreter ensued. The Minister was tangled
and blundered in answering. He was uncomfortable. His rage
finally turned upon the courier.

"Tea. Why have you no tea? . . . What kind of a system is
this?

"Excuse me, Your Excellency, you didn't order any."

"There should always be tea here "

Carey and I looked at each other involuntarily. He did not

understand what was the trouble. After his departure Nekrassoff

at once turned to me.

"Good-bye. Tell Boublikoff that I will come in to see him

before twelve to arrange the transfer and to sign a telegram."
I transmitted this order to Boublikoff and became absorbed

in current work. I looked at - the clock: it was about one.

BoublikofF called up Nekrassoff but there was no answer. I

called the Secretary of the Minister.

"The Minister has issued an order of his assumption of offi,ce

and gone to the Duma. He has ordered the Assistant Minister,

Ustrugoff, to be applied to in connection with current business."
Boublikoff's situation, as well as my own, was foolish.

What for?

Roulevsky again insisted on a mutiny. Boublikoff at this

time calmly refused to listen to him. In order to arrange our

departure, I gave the following telegram to the Commissars :
"To the Commissars of the Duma, BoublikofT and Dobro-
volsky. Copy Tz,* TzP,** TzN,*** and all N.****
For the information of the lines.

"On the day of your departure from the Ministry, in
the name of the whole railroad family, I beg to offer thanks
to Fate that in these historic days we had to work for the
good of the country under your leadership. Due only to
your energy, knowledge and unquestionable loyalty to the
work of liberty, you were able, not only to maintain the
movement of trains in the days of Revolution, but also to
avoid a bloody battle in the neighborhood of Petrograd.
Russia will never forget your name.

"Lomonossoff."
Boublikoff replied with the following circular telegram:

"To All N. Copy Tz, TzP and TzN.

"Yesterday Engineer Nekrassoff, Member of the Duma,
entered upon his duties as Minister and thus my work as
Commissar of the Duma has ended. On February 28, by

* Minister.

** Assistant Minister.
*** Director-General of Railroads.
**** Chiefs and Directors-General of Railroads.

order of the Executive Committee of the Duma, I took the
Ministry by force and entered upon the formation of means
to secure the uninterrupted movement of traffic as well as
to prevent the use of the railroads for purposes contrary to
the interests of the people and the liberation of the country.
It is not for us to judge as to the importance and position
of the railroad man in this work. History will do this un-
biasedly and not with words of thanks do I intend to address
you. Not for thanks did you work, nor for your personal
interests. You consciously worked for the Fatherland. I
would only like to point out to everyone, the marvelous in-
ternal discipline which the million-strong railroad army has
shown in these historic days. Not only were all my orders,
which were frequently unusual for railroad men accustomed
to help and not to hinder operation, obeyed with two or
three insignificant exceptions, wholeheartedly and without
question, but even a greater thing happened : the railroads
did not give in to their impulse to celebrate with the rest
of the people the days of liberation and did not leave their
offices, shops and lines which were covered with snow. Not
for a single hour was the movement of trains stopped. Thus
they proved their real patriotism. I bow low to them and
leaving the place of Chief and returning again to be a pri-
vate worker at my beloved railroad work, I cannot pass
without mentioning — we may even say for the sake of his-
tory— the names of those who helped me in those days of
mad work. Some of them did not even belong to the Min-
istry or belonged to Departments which did not compel
them to do active work. Here are the names : Professor
Lomonossoff, in the capacity of my Chief Assistant ; former
Assistant Ministers E. M. Borisoff and D. P. Kozireff; the
Assistant Director-General, V. P. Reisler; the Chief of
Expeditionary Section, A. S. Tukhin ; his Assistant, P. P.
Kerelin and S. M. Tiumeneff; V. S. Pavlovsky, temporarily
appointed by me Chief of the Northwestern Railroad ; and
under my direct orders, A. M. Roulevsky, Shmuskes, G. V.
LebedefT, Engineer B. A. Perloff, Attorney E. F. Sidelni-
koff; on the line, Chief of the M. V. R. Railroad, M. E. Pra-
vosudovitch; Chief of Operation of the same railroad,
Grintchuk Lukashevitch ; Assistant Chief of Movements of
the Northwestern Railroad, Lobanoff, telegrapher of the

Ministry on the lines. These eyes and ears of the Provi-
sional Government in these days and the energetic company
of students who bore the work of communication and many
more that I can not mention. Let those that I have not
mentioned forgive my forgetfulness. Let the great work
they have performed give them satisfaction. Proudly we
should all bear the name of railroad men. Inform on the
lines.

Commissar of the Duma.
My part in the revolution had ended.

AFTERWORD

The reader will probably be interested to know what has
become of some of the personalities mentioned in these memoirs.

Boublikoff went into private business and then ran away
from the "Bolshevik danger" to America, where, after some hesi-
tation, he assumed a prominent role in the ranks of the Russian
counter-revolutionists. I myself came to America even before
this. The Provisional Government sent me here. Lebedeff
came with me but I am informed that he is now going over to
Kolchak. Roulevsky immediately after the revolution was em-
ployed by me in the Office of Experiments and has probably
kept his promise — has a second time helped to occupy the Min-
istry during the Bolshevik Revolution.

Rotmeister Sosnovsky soon afterward turned out to be not
Sosnovsky but a fugitive criminal, Regalsky. He had certainly
formerly been an officer but afterward specialized in the murder
of frivolous women. During the revolution he was a prisoner
in the Litovsky Castle. When the mob liberated all prisoners,
he obtained somewhere the uniform of a Hussar officer and
turned up at the Duma.

Ustrugoff occupied the position of Assistant Minister until
the very last moment of the Bolshevik Revolution and at present
has become a Minister in the Kolchak Cabinet.

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